The following questions are from Reading Comprehension for Verbal Ability for CAT. Practice RC Passages for CAT. Please scroll the page to see them all. Reading Comprehension questions are an integral part of the CAT Exam. RC Passages and the accompanying questions account for around 24 questions out of 34 questions in CAT Verbal Section. If you would like to take these questions as a Quiz, head on here to take these questions in a test format, absolutely free.
The first systems of writing developed and used by the Germanic peoples were runic alphabets. The runes functioned as letters, but they were much more than just letters in the sense in which we today understand the term. Each rune was an ideographic or pictographic symbol of some cosmological principle or power, and to write a rune was to invoke and direct the force for which it stood. Indeed, in every Germanic language, the word “rune” (from Proto-Germanic *runo) means both “letter” and “secret” or “mystery,” and its original meaning, which likely predated the adoption of the runic alphabet, may have been simply “(hushed) message.”
Each rune had a name that hinted at the philosophical and magical significance of its visual form and the sound for which it stands, which was almost always the first sound of the rune’s name. For example, the T-rune, called *Tiwaz in the Proto-Germanic language, is named after the god Tiwaz (known as Tyr in the Viking Age). Tiwaz was perceived to dwell within the daytime sky, and, accordingly, the visual form of the T-rune is an arrow pointed upward (which surely also hints at the god’s martial role). The T-rune was often carved as a standalone ideograph, apart from the writing of any particular word, as part of spells cast to ensure victory in battle.
The runic alphabets are called “futharks” after the first six runes (Fehu, Uruz, Thurisaz, Ansuz, Raidho, Kaunan), in much the same way that the word “alphabet” comes from the names of the first two Hebrew letters (Aleph, Beth). There are three principal futharks: the 24-character Elder Futhark, the first fully-formed runic alphabet, whose development had begun by the first century CE and had been completed before the year 400; the 16-character Younger Futhark, which began to diverge from the Elder Futhark around the beginning of the Viking Age (c. 750 CE) and eventually replaced that older alphabet in Scandinavia; and the 33-character Anglo-Saxon Futhorc, which gradually altered and added to the Elder Futhark in England. On some inscriptions, the twenty-four runes of the Elder Futhark were divided into three ættir (Old Norse, “families”) of eight runes each, but the significance of this division is unfortunately unknown.
Runes were traditionally carved onto stone, wood, bone, metal, or some similarly hard surface rather than drawn with ink and pen on parchment. This explains their sharp, angular form, which was well-suited to the medium.
Much of our current knowledge of the meanings the ancient Germanic peoples attributed to the runes comes from the three “Rune Poems,” documents from Iceland, Norway, and England that provide a short stanza about each rune in their respective futharks (the Younger Futhark is treated in the Icelandic and Norwegian Rune Poems, while the Anglo-Saxon Futhorc is discussed in the Old English Rune Poem).
While runologists argue over many of the details of the historical origins of runic writing, there is widespread agreement on a general outline. The runes are presumed to have been derived from one of the many Old Italic alphabets in use among the Mediterranean peoples of the first century CE, who lived to the south of the Germanic tribes. Earlier Germanic sacred symbols, such as those preserved in northern European petroglyphs, were also likely influential in the development of the script.
The earliest possibly runic inscription is found on the Meldorf brooch, which was manufactured in the north of modern-day Germany around 50 CE. The inscription is highly ambiguous, however, and scholars are divided over whether its letters are runic or Roman. The earliest unambiguous runic inscriptions are found on the Vimose comb from Vimose, Denmark and the Øvre Stabu spearhead from southern Norway, both of which date to approximately 160 CE. The earliest known carving of the entire futhark, in order, is that on the Kylver stone from Gotland, Sweden, which dates to roughly 400 CE.
The transmission of writing from southern Europe to northern Europe likely took place via Germanic warbands, the dominant northern European military institution of the period, who would have encountered Italic writing firsthand during campaigns amongst their southerly neighbors. This hypothesis is supported by the association that runes have always had with the god Odin, who, in the Proto-Germanic period, under his original name *Woðanaz, was the divine model of the human warband leader and the invisible patron of the warband’s activities. The Roman historian Tacitus tells us that Odin (“Mercury” in the interpretatio romana) was already established as the dominant god in the pantheons of many of the Germanic tribes by the first century.
From the perspective of the ancient Germanic peoples themselves, however, the runes came from no source as mundane as an Old Italic alphabet. The runes were never “invented,” but are instead eternal, pre-existent forces that Odin himself discovered by undergoing a tremendous ordeal.
The word “pantheon” in the passage refers to
Which of the following statements is incorrect?
Which of the following can be inferred from the passage?
a. Runic script was most likely derived from Old Italic script.
b. Runes were not used so much as a simple writing system, but rather as magical signs to be used for charms.
c. In the Proto-Germanic period, the god Tiwaz was associated with war, victory, marriage and the diurnal sky.
d. The knowledge of the meanings attributed to the runes of the Younger Futhark is derived from the three Rune poems.
Which of the following cannot be reasonably inferred with regard to the beliefs of the Proto-Germanic people?
Hard cases, it is said, make bad law. The adage is widely considered true for the Supreme Court of India which held in the height of the Emergency, in ADM Jabalpur v. Shivkant Shukla that detenus under the Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA) could not approach the judiciary if their fundamental rights were violated. Not only was the law laid down unconscionable, but it also smacked of a Court more “executive-minded than the executive”, complicit in its own independence being shattered by an all-powerful government. So deep has been the impact of this judgment that the Supreme Court’s current activist avatar is widely viewed as having its genesis in a continuing need to atone. Expressions of such atonement have created another Court made to measure — this time not to the measure of the government but rather the aggrandised self-image of some of its judges.
Let us look back to the ADM Jabalpur case. As a court of law, the Supreme Court was called upon in the case to balance the interest of public order in an Emergency with the right to life and personal liberty guaranteed to every person. Nine High Courts called upon to perform the same function had found a nuanced answer by which they had held that the right to life cannot be absolutely subservient to public order merely because the government declared so — the legality of detentions could be judicially reviewed, though the intention of the government would not be second-guessed by the Court. This was a delicate balance. The Supreme Court however reversed this view and made the right to life and personal liberty literally a bounty of the government. Given that the consequences of their error were entirely to the government’s advantage, it was widely viewed as the death of an independent judiciary. The excessively deferential, almost apologetic language used by the judges confirmed this impression.
Today, however, while public interest litigation has restored the independent image of the Supreme Court, it has achieved this at the cost of quality, discipline and the constitutional role judges are expected to perform. The Court monitors criminal trials, protects the environment, regulates political advertising, lays down norms for sexual harassment in the workplace, sets guidelines for adoption, supervises police reform among a range of other tasks of government. That all these tasks are crucial but tardily undertaken by government can scarcely be questioned. But for an unelected and largely unaccountable institution such as the Supreme Court to be at the forefront of matters relating to governance is equally dangerous — the choice of issues it takes up is arbitrary, their remit is not legal, their results often counterproductive, requiring a degree of technical competence and institutional capacity in ensuring compliance that the Court simply does not possess. This sets an unhealthy precedent for other courts and tribunals in the country, particularly the latter whose chairpersons are usually retired Supreme Court Justices. To take a particularly egregious example, the National Green Tribunal has banned diesel vehicles more than 10 years old in Delhi and if reports are to be believed, is considering imposing a congestion charge for cars as well. That neither of these are judicial functions and are being unjustly being usurped by a tribunal that has far exceeded its mandate, is evidence of the chain reaction that the Supreme Court’s activist avatar has set off across the judicial spectrum.
Finally, the Court’s activism adds to a massive backlog of regular cases that makes the Indian justice delivery mechanism, slow, unreliable and inefficient for the ordinary litigant. As on March 1, 2015, there were over 61,000 cases pending in the Supreme Court alone. It might be worthwhile for the Court to set its own house in order, concomitantly with telling other wings of government how to do so.
As we mark 40 years of the Emergency and the darkest period in the Supreme Court’s history, it might be time to not single-mindedly harp on the significance of an independent judiciary. Judicial independence, is and must remain a cherished virtue. However, it would be blinkered to not confront newer challenges that damage the credibility of our independent judiciary today — unpardonable delays and overweening judges taking on the mantle of national government by proxy. The Supreme Court 40 years on is a different institution — it must be cognizant of its history but not at the cost of being blind to its present.
Which of the following is a suitable title for the passage?
The author says that the Supreme Court was “more executive-minded than the executive” during the Emergency. Which of the following options captures the essence of what the writer means by the phrase: 'more “executive-minded than the executive”'?
Which of the following cannot be reasonably inferred from the passage?
The word “egregious” in the passage is farthest in meaning to :
Which of the following is the author least likely to agree with?
Sound the alarm! The kingdom of letters has admitted Trojan horses: James Frey, JT Leroy, Misha Defonseca, Margaret B. Jones, Herman Rosenblat, and now Matt McCarthy, portions of whose baseball memoir, the New York Times reports, are “incorrect, embellished or impossible.” The watchmen have let down their guards.
I write: Hold your horses. In the rush to diagnose these fake memoirs as symptoms of a diseased culture, we have failed to consider an equally plausible alternative. What if the exposure of fake memoirists is not due to an increased frequency of lying, but rather to our increased ability to root out liars and hold them accountable for their verisimilitudes? Perhaps the outings of these hoaxes mark not a blurring of the line between fact and fiction, but a further demarcation.
Indeed, it may be helpful to remember that the novel was born from exactly such confusion. One of the standards by which the earliest novels were judged was their ability to convince readers that their narratives were, in fact, real. Authors deployed several tricks to scaffold the illusion. 'Robinson Crusoe' was “written by himself,” according to the novel’s title page, which omitted Daniel Defoe’s name. Samuel Richardson’s novel 'Pamela', an attempt to instruct in good conduct through entertainment, was written as a series of letters penned by the heroine. In his preface to the novel, which excluded his name altogether, Richardson included several real letters from friends to whom he had shown the manuscript, but he changed the salutation from “Dear Author” to “Dear Editor” and even, writing under the guise of “editor,” praised “Pamela’s” letters. However, this was a lie, but not a hoax. Richardson wanted his novels to be read with "Historical Faith", since they contained, he believed, "the truth of the possible- the truth of human nature". Richardson’s authorship was revealed shortly after Pamela’s publication, but rather than serving time on Oprah’s couch, he was hailed as an innovator of the novelistic form.
Whereas novels were unashamedly fake memoirs at their conception, our recent hoaxes suggest that the line between the genres, once drawn, cannot easily be erased. This is in no small part due to the Internet’s surveillance. All along, historians had raised questions about Misha Defonseca, who claimed to have survived the Holocaust by living with a pack of wolves, but the engine of her downfall was her former publisher Jane Daniel’s blog. James Frey’s sine qua non of the fudged-memoir genre, A Million Little Pieces, was debunked by the website The Smoking Gun, which posted his actual arrest records and compared them to Frey’s embellished retellings. Deborah Lipstadt used her blog to gather evidence against Herman Rosenblat’s memoir.
If anything, you could argue that the fact-checkers are doing too good a job. There seems to be some risk that, in attempting to hold memoirs to journalistic standards of factuality, the watchdogs miss the forest for the trees, fixating on minor details in books whose general pictures are correct. The New York Times includes in its dossier against Matt McCarthy disputations by teammates who McCarthy alleges threatened children and made fun of Hispanics, as though their denials of having said such self-incriminating things were more trustworthy than McCarthy’s accusations. When Jose Canseco published his baseball memoirs Juiced and Vindicated, reviewers caviled over minor details and unsubstantiated claims, including that Alex Rodriguez had used steroids. Recent events have proven the gist of Canseco’s memoirs largely correct.
Indeed, it seems unlikely that, say, every claim in Casanova’s The Story of My Life would hold up to such scrutiny. And yet, if we knew this were the case, would we excise it from the canon? Writers’ enormous talents can sometimes render moot questions of their works’ factuality; our fraudsters, meanwhile, attempted to compensate for their meager talents by actually inhabiting their bloated fictions. They suffer not an excess of imagination, which can illuminate even the most mundane experiences, but a retreat from it. And yet simply because they lost their handles on the truth does not mean that the culture also has. Maybe the symptom of our age is not the fake memoirists themselves, but the catching of fake memoirists. In which case: Sound the church bells! The traitors are routed! The watchmen won!
Which of the following is a suitable title for the passage?
Which of the following is the author unlikely to agree with?
With regard to the novel ‘Pamela’, the author states that Richardson’s artifice “ was a lie, but not a hoax”. What does he mean?
The word ‘verisimilitude’ in the passage is farthest in meaning to
Considered amongst the greatest works of Western literature, the Iliad, paired with its sequel, the Odyssey, is attributed to Homer.
However, that the author of the Iliad was not the same as the compiler of the fantastic tales in the Odyssey is arguable on several scores. The two epics belong to different literary types; the Iliad is essentially dramatic in its confrontation of opposing warriors who converse like the actors in Attic tragedy, while the Odyssey is cast as a novel narrated in more everyday human speech. In their physical structure, also, the two epics display an equally pronounced difference. The Odyssey is composed in six distinct cantos of four chapters ("books") each, whereas the Iliad moves unbrokenly forward with only one irrelevant episode in its tightly woven plot. Readers who examine psychological nuances see in the two works some distinctly different human responses and behavioral attitudes. For example, the Iliad voices admiration for the beauty and speed of horses, while the Odyssey shows no interest in these animals. The Iliad dismisses dogs as mere scavengers, while the poet of the Odyssey reveals a modern sentimental sympathy for Odysseus's faithful old hound, Argos.
But the most cogent argument for separating the two poems by assigning them to different authors is the archeological criterion of implied chronology. In the Iliad the Phoenicians are praised as skilled craftsmen working in metal and weavers of elaborate, much-prized garments. The shield which the metalworking god Hephaistos forges for Achilles in the Iliad seems inspired by the metal bowls with inlaid figures in action made by the Phoenicians and introduced by them into Greek and Etruscan commerce in the 8th century B.C. In contrast, in the Odyssey Greek sentiment toward the Phoenicians has undergone a drastic change. Although they are still regarded as clever craftsmen, in place of the Iliad's laudatory polydaidaloi ("of manifold skills") the epithet is parodied into polypaipaloi ("of manifold scurvy tricksters"), reflecting the competitive penetration into Greek commerce by traders from Phoenician Carthage in the 7th century B.C.
One thing, however, is certain: both epics were created without recourse to writing. Between the decline of Mycenaean and the emergence of classical Greek civilization—which is to say, from the late 12th to the mid-8th century B.C.—the inhabitants of the Greek lands had lost all knowledge of the syllabic script of their Mycenaean fore-bears and had not yet acquired from the easternmost shore of the Mediterranean that familiarity with Phoenician alphabetic writing from which classical Greek literacy (and in turn, Etruscan, Roman, and modern European literacy) derived. The same conclusion of illiterate composition may be reached from a critical inspection of the poems themselves. Among many races and in many different periods there has existed (and still exists sporadically) a form of purely oral and unwritten poetic speech, distinguishable from normal and printed literature by special traits that are readily recognizable and specifically distinctive. To this class the Homeric epics conform. Hence it would seem an inevitable inference that they must have been created either before the end of the 8th century B.C. or so shortly after that date that the use of alphabetic writing had not yet been developed sufficiently to record lengthy compositions. It is this illiterate environment that explains the absence of all contemporary historical record of the authors of the two great epics.
It is probable that Homer's name was applied to two distinct individuals differing in temperament and artistic accomplishment, born perhaps as much as a century apart, but practicing the same traditional craft of oral composition and recitation. Although each became known as "Homer, " it may be (as one ancient source asserts) that “homros “was a dialectal word for a blind man and so came to be used generically of the old and often sightless wandering reciters of heroic legends in the traditional meter of unrhymed dactylic hexameters. Thus there could have been many Homers. The two epics ascribed to Homer, however, have been as highly prized in modern as in ancient times for their marvelous vividness of expression, their keenness of personal characterization, their unflagging interest, whether in narration of action or in animated dramatic dialogue.
Which of the following cannot be reasonably inferred from the passage?
Which of the following can be characterized as the main idea of the passage?
The term epithet as used in the passage is farthest in meaning to
IPMAT Rohtak Sample Paper Mock
IPMAT Indore Sample Paper Mock
Please note that the explanation button will take you to the IPMAT solution page.
Read the passage below and answer the questions that follow :
Harold a professional man who had worked in an office for many years had a fearful dream. In it, he found himself in a land where small slug-like animals with slimy tentacles lived on people's bodies. The people tolerated the loathsome creatures because after many years they grew into elephants which then became the nation's system of transport, carrying everyone wherever he wanted to go. Harold suddenly realised that he himself was covered with these things, and he woke upscreaming. In a vivid sequence of pictures this dream dramatised for Harold what he had never been able to put in to words; he saw himself as letting society feed on his body in his early years so that it would carry him when he retired. He later threw off the "security bug" and took upfreelance work.
In his dream Harold found the loathsome creatures
Which one of the following phrases best helps to bring out the precise meaning of 'loathsome creatures'?
The statement that 'he later threw off the security bug' means that
Harold's dream was fearful because
Read the passage below and answer the questions that follow :
Concussions are brain injuries that occur when a person receives a blow to the head, face, or neck. Although most people who suffer a concussion experience initial bouts of dizziness, nausea, and drowsiness, these symptoms often disappear after a few days. The long-term effects of concussions,however, are less understood and far more severe.
Recent studies suggest that people who suffer multiple concussions are at significant risk for developing chronic traumatic encephalopathy (CTE), a degenerative brain disorder that causes a variety of dangerous mental and emotional problems to arise weeks, months, or even years after the initial injury. These psychological problems can include depression, anxiety, memory loss, inability to concentrate, and aggression. In extreme cases, people suffering from CTE have even committed suicide or homicide. The majority of people who developthese issues are athletes who participate in popular high-impact sports, especially football. Although new sports regulations and improvements in helmet technology can helpprotect players, amateur leagues, the sports media, and fans all bear some of the responsibility for reducing the incidence of these devastating injuries.Improvements in diagnostic technology have provided substantial evidence to link severe and often fatal psychological disorders to the head injuries that players receive while on the field.
Recent autopsies performed on the brains of football players who have committed suicide have shown advanced cases of CTE in every single victim.In response to the growing understanding of this danger, the National Football League (NFL) has revised its safety regulations. Players who have suffered a head injury on the field must undergo a concussion sideline assessmenta series of mental and physical fitness tests before being allowed back in the game.
In an effort to diminish the amount of head and neck injuries on the field, NFL officials began enforcing stricter penalty calls for helmet-to-helmet contact, leading with the head, and hitting a defenseless player. Furthermore, as of 2010, if a player's helmet is accidentally wrenched from his head during play, the ball is immediately whistled dead. It is hoped that these new regulations, coupled with advances in helmet design, will reduce the number of concussions, and thus curb further cases of CTE. Efforts by the NFL and other professional sports leagues are certainly laudable; we should commend every attempt to protect the mental and physical health of players. However, new regulations at the professional level cannot protect amateur players, especially young people.
Fatal cases of CTE have been reported in victims as young as 21. Proper tackling form using the arms and shoulders to aim for a player's midsection should be taught at an early age. Youth, high school, and college leagues should also adopt safety rules even more stringent than those of the NFL. Furthermore, young athletes should be educated about the serious dangers of head injuries at an early age. Perhaps the most important factor in reducing the number of traumatic brain injuries, however, lies not with the players, the coaches, or the administrators, but with the media and fans.
Sports media producers have become accustomed to showcasing the most aggressive tackles and the most intense plays. NFL broadcasts often replay especially violent collisions while the commentators marvel at the players physical prowess. Some sports highlights television programs even feature weekly countdowns of the hardest hits. When the media exalts such dangerous behavior, professionals are rewarded for injuring each other on the field and amateurs become more likely to try to imitate their favorite NFL athletes. Announcers, commentators, television producers, and sportswriters should engage in a collective effort to cease glorifying brutal plays. In turn, fans should stopexpecting their favorite players to put their lives on the line for the purposes of entertainment. Players must not be encouraged to trade their careers, their health, their happiness, and even their lives for the sake of a game.
Based on information in the passage, it can be inferred that all of the following statements are true except
According to the passage, which of the following factors contribute(s) to the incidence of CTE in
amateur players?
I. inconsistent application of safety regulations for all levels
II. lack of education about the dangers of head injuries
III. amateur players' desire to emulate professionals
As used in paragraph 3, which is the best synonym for laudable?
The author's tone in the final paragraph can best be described as
As used in the final paragraph, which is the best antonym for exalts?
In describing the sports media, the author emphasizes its
In the final paragraph, the author mentions sports highlights television programs as an example of how
I. the media glorifies violence
II. amateurs learn to mimic professional athletes
III. professional athletes gain approval
Read the passage below and answer the questions that follow :
The ravages [of the storm] were terrible in America, Europe, and Asia. Towns were overthrown, forests uprooted, coasts devastated by the mountains of water which were precipitated on them, vessels cast on the shore, whole districts leveled by waterspouts, several thousand people crushed on land or drowned at sea; such were the traces of its (468) ________, left by this devastating tempest.
-Ralph Waldo Emerson
What is the meaning of the word over throwning the context of this passage?
What is the meaning of the word leveled as it is used in the passage?
Which word, if inserted in the blank, makes the most sense in the context of the passage?
Read the following passage and choose the answer that is closest to each of the questions that are based on the passage.
Supposing half a dozen or a dozen men were cast ashore from a wreck on an uninhabited island and left to their own resources, one of course, according to his capacity, would be set to one business and one to another; the strongest to dig and to cut wood, and to build huts for the rest: the most dexterous to make shoes out of bark and coats out of skins; the best educated to look for iron or lead in the rocks, and to plan the channels for the irrigation of the fields. But though their labours were thus naturally severed, that small group of shipwrecked men would understand well enough that the speediest progress was to be made by helping each other-not by opposing each other; and they would know that this help could only be properly given so long as they were frank and open in their relations, and the difficulties which each lay under properly explained to the rest. So that any appearance of secrecy or separateness in the actions of any of them would instantly, and justly, be looked upon with suspicion by the rest, as the sign of some selfish or foolish proceeding on the part of the individual. If, for instance, the scientific man were found to have gone out at night, unknown to the rest, to alter the sluices, the others would think, and in all probability rightly think, that he wanted to get the best supply of water to his own field; and if the shoemaker refused to show them where the bark grew which he made the sandals of, they would naturally think, and in all probability rightly think, that he didn't want them to see how much there was of it, and that he meant to ask from them more corn and potatoes in exchange for his sandals than the trouble of making them deserved. And thus, although each man would have a portion of time to himself in which he was allowed to do what he chose without let or inquiry - so long as he was working in that particular business which he had undertaken for the common benefit, any secrecy on his part would be immediately supposed to mean mischief; and would require to be accounted for, or put an end to: and this all the more because, whatever the work might be, certainly there would be difficulties about it which, when once they were well explained, might be more or less done away with by the help of the rest; so that assuredly every one of them would advance with his labour not only more happily, but more profitably and quickly, by having no secrets, and by frankly bestowing, and frankly receiving, such help as lay in his way to get or to give.
When a dozen men are cast away on an imaginary island, the best educated would look for metals in rocks because
The author states that any appearance of secrecy or separateness would instantly and justly be looked upon with suspicion. From this statement we may infer that
The instance of the shoemaker who refuses to show his source and asks for more corn and potatoes, is an example of
According to the author, whatever one's work might be
The author's belief is that for progress to happen
The writer makes a hypothesis, which can be related to
Read the following passage and choose the answer that is closest to each of the questions that are based on the passage.
The perennial debate over gender differences threatens to remain inconclusive. Stereotypes pertaining to male superiority and female submissiveness could be traced to earlier ages where assigned roles were needed as survival measures. But, can we today see a swing away from these stereotypes, or have they established a stranglehold on our perceptions? In this gendered world, we continue to live with notions that one's gender determines one's skills and preferences, from toys and colours to career choices. So the girl child will be presented with a Barbie doll, while the boy child will receive a Lego set.
Does that mean that our brains are different? This myth has been exploded by a British professor of cognitive neuroimaging. Her research attempts to establish how these stereotypes mould our ideas of ourselves. She examines how science has been misinterpreted or misused to ask the wrong questions, instead of challenging the status quo. She urges us to move beyond a binary view of people's brains and instead to see these as highly individualised, profoundly adaptable, and full of unbounded potential. Her conclusive findings establish that no brain differences can be found that are solely gender related. In other words, modern neuroscientists have identified no decisive category-defining differences between the brains of men and women.
As a result of these findings we owe it to ourselves to dump the myths and look at ourselves afresh. We need to recognise that the male and female brain debate is a distraction, besides being based on inaccuracies. It is possibly harmful too, because it can be used as a hook to justify saying there is no point in girls doing science because they do not have a science brain; or compelling boys to opt for science because their brains are shaped for that subject. It can also condemn boys for being emotional, as this is seen as a feminine trait. And, most dangerous of all, to proclaim that boys, not girls, are meant to lead.
The research of a British professor of cognitive neuroimaging has succeeded in establishing that
By referring to the world as "gendered' the writer wants to convey that
One of the dangers in adopting a binary view of the human brain is that it can
The writer of this passage wants to emphasise the need to
The synonym for 'stranglehold' (Para 1) is
The antonym for "unbounded' (Para 2) is
The Questions that follow, are from actual CAT papers. If you wish to take them separately or plan to solve actual CAT papers at a later point in time, It would be a good idea to stop here.
The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage,
choose the best answer for each question.
Many human phenomena and
characteristics – such as behaviors, beliefs, economies, genes, incomes, life expectancies,
and other things – are influenced both by geographic factors and by non-geographic factors.
Geographic factors mean physical and biological factors tied to geographic location,
including climate, the distributions of wild plant and animal species, soils, and
topography. Non-geographic factors include those factors subsumed under the term culture,
other factors subsumed under the term history, and decisions by individual people. . .
.
[T]he differences between the current economies of North and South Korea . . .
cannot be attributed to the modest environmental differences between [them] . . . They are
instead due entirely to the different [government] policies . . . At the opposite extreme,
the Inuit and other traditional peoples living north of the Arctic Circle developed warm fur
clothes but no agriculture, while equatorial lowland peoples around the world never
developed warm fur clothes but often did develop agriculture. The explanation is
straightforwardly geographic, rather than a cultural or historical quirk unrelated to
geography. . . . Aboriginal Australia remained the sole continent occupied only by
hunter/gatherers and with no indigenous farming or herding . . . [Here the] explanation is
biogeographic: the Australian continent has no domesticable native animal species and few
domesticable native plant species. Instead, the crops and domestic animals that now make
Australia a food and wool exporter are all non-native (mainly Eurasian) species such as
sheep, wheat, and grapes, brought to Australia by overseas colonists.
Today, no
scholar would be silly enough to deny that culture, history, and individual choices play a
big role in many human phenomena. Scholars don't react to cultural, historical, and
individual-agent explanations by denouncing "cultural determinism," "historical
determinism," or "individual determinism," and then thinking no further. But many scholars
do react to any explanation invoking some geographic role, by denouncing "geographic
determinism" . . .
Several reasons may underlie this widespread but nonsensical
view. One reason is that some geographic explanations advanced a century ago were racist,
thereby causing all geographic explanations to become tainted by racist associations in the
minds of many scholars other than geographers. But many genetic, historical, psychological,
and anthropological explanations advanced a century ago were also racist, yet the validity
of newer non-racist genetic etc. explanations is widely accepted today.
Another
reason for reflex rejection of geographic explanations is that historians have a tradition,
in their discipline, of stressing the role of contingency (a favorite word among historians)
based on individual decisions and chance. Often that view is warranted . . . But often, too,
that view is unwarranted. The development of warm fur clothes among the Inuit living north
of the Arctic Circle was not because one influential Inuit leader persuaded other Inuit in
1783 to adopt warm fur clothes, for no good environmental reason.
A third reason
is that geographic explanations usually depend on detailed technical facts of geography and
other fields of scholarship . . . Most historians and economists don't acquire that detailed
knowledge as part of the professional training.
All of the following can be inferred from the passage EXCEPT:
All of the following are advanced by the author as reasons why non-geographers disregard geographic influences on human phenomena EXCEPT their:
The examples of the Inuit and Aboriginal Australians are offered in the passage to show:
The author criticises scholars who are not geographers for all of the following reasons EXCEPT:
The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage,
choose the best answer for each question.
For early postcolonial literature, the
world of the novel was often the nation. Postcolonial novels were usually [concerned with]
national questions. Sometimes the whole story of the novel was taken as an allegory of the
nation, whether India or Tanzania. This was important for supporting anti-colonial
nationalism, but could also be limiting – land-focused and inward-looking.
My new
book "Writing Ocean Worlds" explores another kind of world of the novel: not the village or
nation, but the Indian Ocean world. The book describes a set of novels in which the Indian
Ocean is at the centre of the story. It focuses on the novelists Amitav Ghosh, Abdulrazak
Gurnah, Lindsey Collen and Joseph Conrad [who have] centred the Indian Ocean world in the
majority of their novels. . . . Their work reveals a world that is outward-looking – full of
movement, border-crossing and south-south interconnection. They are all very different –
from colonially inclined (Conrad) to radically anti-capitalist (Collen), but together draw
on and shape a wider sense of Indian Ocean space through themes, images, metaphors and
language. This has the effect of remapping the world in the reader's mind, as centred in the
interconnected global south. . . .
The Indian Ocean world is a term used to
describe the very long-lasting connections among the coasts of East Africa, the Arab coasts,
and South and East Asia. These connections were made possible by the geography of the Indian
Ocean. For much of history, travel by sea was much easier than by land, which meant that
port cities very far apart were often more easily connected to each other than to much
closer inland cities. Historical and archaeological evidence suggests that what we now call
globalisation first appeared in the Indian Ocean. This is the interconnected oceanic world
referenced and produced by the novels in my book. . . .
For their part Ghosh,
Gurnah, Collen and even Conrad reference a different set of histories and geographies than
the ones most commonly found in fiction in English. Those [commonly found ones] are mostly
centred in Europe or the US, assume a background of Christianity and whiteness, and mention
places like Paris and New York. The novels in [my] book highlight instead a largely Islamic
space, feature characters of colour and centralise the ports of Malindi, Mombasa, Aden, Java
and Bombay. . . . It is a densely imagined, richly sensory image of a southern cosmopolitan
culture which provides for an enlarged sense of place in the world.
This
remapping is particularly powerful for the representation of Africa. In the fiction, sailors
and travellers are not all European. . . . African, as well as Indian and Arab characters,
are traders, nakhodas (dhow ship captains), runaways, villains, missionaries and activists.
This does not mean that Indian Ocean Africa is romanticised. Migration is often a matter of
force; travel is portrayed as abandonment rather than adventure, freedoms are kept from
women and slavery is rife. What it does mean is that the African part of the Indian Ocean
world plays an active role in its long, rich history and therefore in that of the wider
world.
All of the following claims contribute to the "remapping" discussed by the passage, EXCEPT:
Which one of the following statements is not true about migration in the Indian Ocean world?
On the basis of the nature of the relationship between the items in each pair below, choose the odd pair out:
All of the following statements, if true, would weaken the passage's claim about the relationship between mainstream English-language fiction and Indian Ocean novels EXCEPT:
The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage,
choose the best answer for each question.
[Fifty] years after its publication in
English [in 1972], and just a year since [Marshall] Sahlins himself died—we may ask: why did
[his essay] "Original Affluent Society" have such an impact, and how has it fared since? . .
. Sahlins's principal argument was simple but counterintuitive: before being driven into
marginal environments by colonial powers, hunter-gatherers, or foragers, were not engaged in
a desperate struggle for meager survival. Quite the contrary, they satisfied their needs
with far less work than people in agricultural and industrial societies, leaving them more
time to use as they wished. Hunters, he quipped, keep bankers' hours. Refusing to maximize,
many were "more concerned with games of chance than with chances of game." . . . The
so-called Neolithic Revolution, rather than improving life, imposed a harsher work regime
and set in motion the long history of growing inequality . . .
Moreover, foragers
had other options. The contemporary Hadza of Tanzania, who had long been surrounded by
farmers, knew they had alternatives and rejected them. To Sahlins, this showed that foragers
are not simply examples of human diversity or victimhood but something more profound: they
demonstrated that societies make real choices. Culture, a way of living oriented around a
distinctive set of values, manifests a fundamental principle of collective
self-determination. . . .
But the point [of the essay] is not so much the
empirical validity of the data—the real interest for most readers, after all, is not in
foragers either today or in the Paleolithic—but rather its conceptual challenge to
contemporary economic life and bourgeois individualism. The empirical served a philosophical
and political project, a thought experiment and stimulus to the imagination of
possibilities.
With its title's nod toward The Affluent Society (1958),
economist John Kenneth Galbraith's famously skeptical portrait of America's postwar
prosperity and inequality, and dripping with New Left contempt for consumerism, "The
Original Affluent Society" brought this critical perspective to bear on the contemporary
world. It did so through the classic anthropological move of showing that radical
alternatives to the readers' lives really exist. If the capitalist world seeks wealth
through ever greater material production to meet infinitely expansive desires, foraging
societies follow "the Zen road to affluence": not by getting more, but by wanting less. If
it seems that foragers have been left behind by "progress," this is due only to the
ethnocentric self-congratulation of the West. Rather than accumulate material goods, these
societies are guided by other values: leisure, mobility, and above all, freedom. . .
.
Viewed in today's context, of course, not every aspect of the essay has aged
well. While acknowledging the violence of colonialism, racism, and dispossession, it does
not thematize them as heavily as we might today. Rebuking evolutionary anthropologists for
treating present-day foragers as "left behind" by progress, it too can succumb to the
temptation to use them as proxies for the Paleolithic. Yet these characteristics should not
distract us from appreciating Sahlins's effort to show that if we want to conjure new
possibilities, we need to learn about actually inhabitable worlds.
We can infer that Sahlins's main goal in writing his essay was to:
The author mentions Tanzania's Hadza community to illustrate:
The author of the passage criticises Sahlins's essay for its:
The author of the passage mentions Galbraith's "The Affluent Society" to:
The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage,
choose the best answer for each question.
RESIDENTS of Lozère, a hilly department
in southern France, recite complaints familiar to many rural corners of Europe. In remote
hamlets and villages, with names such as Le Bacon and Le Bacon Vieux, mayors grumble about a
lack of local schools, jobs, or phone and internet connections. Farmers of grazing animals
add another concern: the return of wolves. Eradicated from France last century, the
predators are gradually creeping back to more forests and hillsides. "The wolf must be taken
in hand," said an aspiring parliamentarian, Francis Palombi, when pressed by voters in an
election campaign early this summer. Tourists enjoy visiting a wolf park in Lozère, but
farmers fret over their livestock and their livelihoods. . . .
As early as the
ninth century, the royal office of the Luparii—wolf-catchers—was created in France to tackle
the predators. Those official hunters (and others) completed their job in the 1930s, when
the last wolf disappeared from the mainland. Active hunting and improved technology such as
rifles in the 19th century, plus the use of poison such as strychnine later on,
caused the population collapse. But in the early 1990s the animals reappeared. They crossed
the Alps from Italy, upsetting sheep farmers on the French side of the border. Wolves have
since spread to areas such as Lozère, delighting environmentalists, who see the predators'
presence as a sign of wider ecological health. Farmers, who say the wolves cause the deaths
of thousands of sheep and other grazing animals, are less cheerful. They grumble that green
activists and politically correct urban types have allowed the return of an old
enemy.
Various factors explain the changes of the past few decades. Rural
depopulation is part of the story. In Lozère, for example, farming and a once-flourishing
mining industry supported a population of over 140,000 residents in the mid-19th
century. Today the department has fewer than 80,000 people, many in its towns. As humans
withdraw, forests are expanding. In France, between 1990 and 2015, forest cover increased by
an average of 102,000 hectares each year, as more fields were given over to trees. Now,
nearly one-third of mainland France is covered by woodland of some sort. The decline of
hunting as a sport also means more forests fall quiet. In the mid-to-late 20th
century over 2m hunters regularly spent winter weekends tramping in woodland, seeking
boars, birds and other prey. Today the Fédération Nationale des Chasseurs, the national
body, claims 1.1m people hold hunting licences, though the number of active hunters is
probably lower. The mostly protected status of the wolf in Europe—hunting them is now
forbidden, other than when occasional culls are sanctioned by the state—plus the efforts of
NGOs to track and count the animals, also contribute to the recovery of wolf
populations.
As the lupine population of Europe spreads westwards, with
occasional reports of wolves seen closer to urban areas, expect to hear of more clashes
between farmers and those who celebrate the predators' return. Farmers' losses are real, but
are not the only economic story. Tourist venues, such as parks where wolves are kept and the
animals' spread is discussed, also generate income and jobs in rural areas.
The inhabitants of Lozère have to grapple with all of the following problems, EXCEPT:
Which one of the following has NOT contributed to the growing wolf population in Lozère?
The author presents a possible economic solution to an existing issue facing Lozère that takes into account the divergent and competing interests of:
Which one of the following statements, if true, would weaken the author's claims?
The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage,
choose the best answer for each question.
The Second Hand September campaign, led by
Oxfam . . . seeks to encourage shopping at local organisations and charities as alternatives
to fast fashion brands such as Primark and Boohoo in the name of saving our planet. As
innocent as mindless scrolling through online shops may seem, such consumers are
unintentionally—or perhaps even knowingly—contributing to an industry that uses more energy
than aviation. . . .
Brits buy more garments than any other country in Europe,
so it comes as no shock that many of those clothes end up in UK landfills each year: 300,000
tonnes of them, to be exact. This waste of clothing is destructive to our planet, releasing
greenhouse gasses as clothes are burnt as well as bleeding toxins and dyes into the
surrounding soil and water. As ecologist Chelsea Rochman bluntly put it, "The mismanagement
of our waste has even come back to haunt us on our dinner plate."
It's not
surprising, then, that people are scrambling for a solution, the most common of which is
second-hand shopping. Retailers selling consigned clothing are currently expanding at a
rapid rate . . . If everyone bought just one used item in a year, it would save 449 million
lbs of waste, equivalent to the weight of 1 million Polar bears. "Thrifting" has
increasingly become a trendy practice. London is home to many second-hand, or more commonly
coined 'vintage', shops across the city from Bayswater to Brixton.
So you're
cool and you care about the planet; you've killed two birds with one stone. But do people
simply purchase a second-hand item, flash it on Instagram with #vintage and call it a day
without considering whether what they are doing is actually effective?
According
to a study commissioned by Patagonia, for instance, older clothes shed more microfibres.
These can end up in our rivers and seas after just one wash due to the worn material, thus
contributing to microfibre pollution. To break it down, the amount of microfibres released
by laundering 100,000 fleece jackets is equivalent to as many as 11,900 plastic grocery
bags, and up to 40 per cent of that ends up in our oceans. . . . So where does this leave
second-hand consumers? [They would be well advised to buy] high-quality items that shed less
and last longer [as this] combats both microfibre pollution and excess garments ending up in
landfills. . . .
Luxury brands would rather not circulate their latest season
stock around the globe to be sold at a cheaper price, which is why companies like ThredUP, a
US fashion resale marketplace, have not yet caught on in the UK. There will always be a
market for consignment but there is also a whole generation of people who have been taught
that only buying new products is the norm; second-hand luxury goods are not in their psyche.
Ben Whitaker, director at Liquidation Firm B-Stock, told Prospect that unless recycling
becomes cost-effective and filters into mass production, with the right technology to
partner it, "high-end retailers would rather put brand before sustainability."
The central idea of the passage would be undermined if:
The act of "thrifting", as described in the passage, can be considered ironic because it:
Based on the passage, we can infer that the opposite of fast fashion, 'slow fashion', would most likely refer to clothes that:
According to the author, companies like ThredUP have not caught on in the UK for all of the following reasons EXCEPT that:
The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage,
choose the best answer for each question.
Over the past four centuries liberalism
has been so successful that it has driven all its opponents off the battlefield. Now it is
disintegrating, destroyed by a mix of hubris and internal contradictions, according to
Patrick Deneen, a professor of politics at the University of Notre Dame. . . . Equality of
opportunity has produced a new meritocratic aristocracy that has all the aloofness of the
old aristocracy with none of its sense of noblesse oblige. Democracy has degenerated into a
theatre of the absurd. And technological advances are reducing ever more areas of work into
meaningless drudgery. "The gap between liberalism's claims about itself and the lived
reality of the citizenry" is now so wide that "the lie can no longer be accepted," Mr Deneen
writes. What better proof of this than the vision of 1,000 private planes whisking their
occupants to Davos to discuss the question of "creating a shared future in a fragmented
world"? . . .
Deneen does an impressive job of capturing the current mood of
disillusionment, echoing left-wing complaints about rampant commercialism, right-wing
complaints about narcissistic and bullying students, and general worries about atomisation
and selfishness. But when he concludes that all this adds up to a failure of liberalism, is
his argument convincing? . . . He argues that the essence of liberalism lies in freeing
individuals from constraints. In fact, liberalism contains a wide range of intellectual
traditions which provide different answers to the question of how to trade off the relative
claims of rights and responsibilities, individual expression and social ties. . . . liberals
experimented with a range of ideas from devolving power from the centre to creating national
education systems.
Mr Deneen's fixation on the essence of liberalism leads to the
second big problem of his book: his failure to recognise liberalism's ability to reform
itself and address its internal problems. The late 19th century saw America
suffering from many of the problems that are reappearing today, including the creation of a
business aristocracy, the rise of vast companies, the corruption of politics and the sense
that society was dividing into winners and losers. But a wide variety of reformers, working
within the liberal tradition, tackled these problems head on. Theodore Roosevelt took on the
trusts. Progressives cleaned up government corruption. University reformers modernised
academic syllabuses and built ladders of opportunity. Rather than dying, liberalism reformed
itself.
Mr Deneen is right to point out that the record of liberalism in recent
years has been dismal. He is also right to assert that the world has much to learn from the
premodern notions of liberty as self-mastery and self-denial. The biggest enemy of
liberalism is not so much atomisation but old-fashioned greed, as members of the Davos elite
pile their plates ever higher with perks and share options. But he is wrong to argue that
the only way for people to liberate themselves from the contradictions of liberalism is
"liberation from liberalism itself". The best way to read "Why Liberalism Failed" is not as
a funeral oration but as a call to action: up your game, or else.
The author of the passage faults Deneen's conclusions for all of the following reasons, EXCEPT:
The author of the passage is likely to disagree with all of the following statements, EXCEPT:
All of the following statements are evidence of the decline of liberalism today, EXCEPT:
The author of the passage refers to "the Davos elite" to illustrate his views on:
The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage,
choose the best answer for each question.
The Positivists, anxious to stake out
their claim for history as a science, contributed the weight of their influence to the cult
of facts. First ascertain the facts, said the positivists, then draw your conclusions from
them. . . . This is what may [be] called the common-sense view of history. History consists
of a corpus of ascertained facts. The facts are available to the historian in documents,
inscriptions, and so on . . . [Sir George Clark] contrasted the "hard core of facts" in
history with the surrounding pulp of disputable interpretation forgetting perhaps that the
pulpy part of the fruit is more rewarding than the hard core. . . . It recalls the favourite
dictum of the great liberal journalist C. P. Scott: "Facts are sacred, opinion is free.". .
.
What is a historical fact? . . . According to the common-sense view, there are
certain basic facts which are the same for all historians and which form, so to speak, the
backbone of history—the fact, for example, that the Battle of Hastings was fought in 1066.
But this view calls for two observations. In the first place, it is not with facts like
these that the historian is primarily concerned. It is no doubt important to know that the
great battle was fought in 1066 and not in 1065 or 1067, and that it was fought at Hastings
and not at Eastbourne or Brighton. The historian must not get these things wrong. But [to]
praise a historian for his accuracy is like praising an architect for using well-seasoned
timber or properly mixed concrete in his building. It is a necessary condition of his work,
but not his essential function. It is precisely for matters of this kind that the historian
is entitled to rely on what have been called the "auxiliary sciences" of
history—archaeology, epigraphy, numismatics, chronology, and so forth. . . .
The
second observation is that the necessity to establish these basic facts rests not on any
quality in the facts themselves, but on an apriori decision of the historian. In spite of C.
P. Scott's motto, every journalist knows today that the most effective way to influence
opinion is by the selection and arrangement of the appropriate facts. It used to be said
that facts speak for themselves. This is, of course, untrue. The facts speak only when the
historian calls on them: it is he who decides to which facts to give the floor, and in what
order or context. . . . The only reason why we are interested to know that the battle was
fought at Hastings in 1066 is that historians regard it as a major historical event. . . .
Professor Talcott Parsons once called [science] "a selective system of cognitive
orientations to reality." It might perhaps have been put more simply. But history is, among
other things, that. The historian is necessarily selective. The belief in a hard core of
historical facts existing objectively and independently of the interpretation of the
historian is a preposterous fallacy, but one which it is very hard to eradicate.
All of the following, if true, can weaken the passage's claim that facts do not speak for themselves, EXCEPT:
If the author of the passage were to write a book on the Battle of Hastings along the lines of his/her own reasoning, the focus of the historical account would be on:
According to this passage, which one of the following statements best describes the significance of archaeology for historians?
All of the following describe the "common-sense view" of history, EXCEPT:
The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage,
choose the best answer for each question.
Umberto Eco, an Italian writer, was
right when he said the language of Europe is translation. Netflix and other deep-pocketed
global firms speak it well. Just as the EU employs a small army of translators and
interpreters to turn intricate laws or impassioned speeches of Romanian MEPs into the EU's
24 official languages, so do the likes of Netflix. It now offers dubbing in 34 languages and
subtitling in a few more. . . .
The economics of European productions are more
appealing, too. American audiences are more willing than before to give dubbed or subtitled
viewing a chance. This means shows such as "Lupin", a French crime caper on Netflix, can
become global hits. . . . In 2015, about 75% of Netflix's original content was American; now
the figure is half, according to Ampere, a media-analysis company. Netflix has about 100
productions under way in Europe, which is more than big public broadcasters in France or
Germany. . . .
Not everything works across borders. Comedy sometimes struggles.
Whodunits and bloodthirsty maelstroms between arch Romans and uppity tribesmen have a more
universal appeal. Some do it better than others. Barbarians aside, German television is not
always built for export, says one executive, being polite. A bigger problem is that national
broadcasters still dominate. Streaming services, such as Netflix or Disney+, account for
about a third of all viewing hours, even in markets where they are well-established. Europe
is an ageing continent. The generation of teens staring at phones is outnumbered by their
elders who prefer to gawp at the box.
In Brussels and national capitals, the
prospect of Netflix as a cultural hegemon is seen as a threat. "Cultural sovereignty" is the
watchword of European executives worried that the Americans will eat their lunch. To be
fair, Netflix content sometimes seems stuck in an uncanny valley somewhere in the
mid-Atlantic, with local quirks stripped out. Netflix originals tend to have fewer specific
cultural references than shows produced by domestic rivals, according to Enders, a market
analyst. The company used to have an imperial model of commissioning, with executives in Los
Angeles cooking up ideas French people might like. Now Netflix has offices across Europe.
But ultimately the big decisions rest with American executives. This makes European
politicians nervous.
They should not be. An irony of European integration is that
it is often American companies that facilitate it. Google Translate makes European
newspapers comprehensible, even if a little clunky, for the continent's non-polyglots.
American social-media companies make it easier for Europeans to talk politics across
borders. (That they do not always like to hear what they say about each other is another
matter.) Now Netflix and friends pump the same content into homes across a continent, making
culture a cross-border endeavour, too. If Europeans are to share a currency, bail each other
out in times of financial need and share vaccines in a pandemic, then they need to have
something in common—even if it is just bingeing on the same series. Watching fictitious
northern and southern Europeans tear each other apart 2,000 years ago beats doing so in
reality.
Based on information provided in the passage, all of the following are true, EXCEPT:
The author sees the rise of Netflix in Europe as:
Which one of the following research findings would weaken the author's conclusion in the final paragraph?
Based only on information provided in the passage, which one of the following hypothetical Netflix shows would be most successful with audiences across the EU?
The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage,
choose the best answer for each question.
The biggest challenge [The Nutmeg's
Curse by Ghosh] throws down is to the prevailing understanding of when the climate crisis
started. Most of us have accepted . . . that it started with the widespread use of coal at
the beginning of the Industrial Age in the 18th century and worsened with the
mass adoption of oil and natural gas in the 20th. Ghosh takes this history at
least three centuries back, to the start of European colonialism in the 15th
century. He [starts] the book with a 1621 massacre by Dutch invaders determined to
impose a monopoly on nutmeg cultivation and trade in the Banda islands in today's Indonesia.
Not only do the Dutch systematically depopulate the islands through genocide, they also try
their best to bring nutmeg cultivation into plantation mode. These are the two points to
which Ghosh returns through examples from around the world. One, how European colonialists
decimated not only indigenous populations but also indigenous understanding of the
relationship between humans and Earth. Two, how this was an invasion not only of humans but
of the Earth itself, and how this continues to the present day by looking at nature as a
'resource' to exploit. . . . We know we are facing more frequent and more severe heatwaves,
storms, floods, droughts and wildfires due to climate change. We know our expansion through
deforestation, dam building, canal cutting – in short, terraforming, the word Ghosh uses –
has brought us repeated disasters . . . Are these the responses of an angry Gaia who has
finally had enough? By using the word 'curse' in the title, the author makes it clear that
he thinks so. I use the pronoun 'who' knowingly, because Ghosh has quoted many non-European
sources to enquire into the relationship between humans and the world around them so that he
can question the prevalent way of looking at Earth as an inert object to be exploited to the
maximum. As Ghosh's text, notes and bibliography show once more, none of this is new. There
have always been challenges to the way European colonialists looked at other civilisations
and at Earth. It is just that the invaders and their myriad backers in the fields of
economics, politics, anthropology, philosophy, literature, technology, physics, chemistry,
biology have dominated global intellectual discourse. . . . There are other points of view
that we can hear today if we listen hard enough. Those observing global climate negotiations
know about the Latin American way of looking at Earth as Pachamama (Earth Mother). They also
know how such a framing is just provided lip service and is ignored in the substantive
portions of the negotiations. In The Nutmeg's Curse, Ghosh explains why. He shows the extent
of the vested interest in the oil economy – not only for oil-exporting countries, but also
for a superpower like the US that controls oil drilling, oil prices and oil movement around
the world. Many of us know power utilities are sabotaging decentralised solar power
generation today because it hits their revenues and control. And how the other points of
view are so often drowned out.
On the basis of information in the passage, which one of the following is NOT a reason for the failure of policies seeking to address climate change?
Which one of the following best explains the primary purpose of the discussion of the colonisation of the Banda islands in "The Nutmeg's Curse"?
All of the following can be inferred from the reviewer's discussion of "The Nutmeg's Curse", EXCEPT:
Which one of the following, if true, would make the reviewer's choice of the pronoun "who" for Gaia inappropriate?
The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage,
choose the best answer for each question.
Steven Pinker's new book, "Rationality:
What It Is, Why It Seems Scarce, Why It Matters," offers a pragmatic dose of measured
optimism, presenting rationality as a fragile but achievable ideal in personal and civic
life. . . . Pinker's ambition to illuminate such a crucial topic offers the welcome prospect
of a return to sanity. . . . It's no small achievement to make formal logic, game theory,
statistics and Bayesian reasoning delightful topics full of charm and
relevance.
It's also plausible to believe that a wider application of the
rational tools he analyzes would improve the world in important ways. His primer on
statistics and scientific uncertainty is particularly timely and should be required reading
before consuming any news about the [COVID] pandemic. More broadly, he argues that less
media coverage of shocking but vanishingly rare events, from shark attacks to adverse
vaccine reactions, would help prevent dangerous overreactions, fatalism and the diversion of
finite resources away from solvable but less-dramatic issues, like malnutrition in the
developing world.
It's a reasonable critique, and Pinker is not the first to make
it. But analyzing the political economy of journalism — its funding structures, ownership
concentration and increasing reliance on social media shares — would have given a fuller
picture of why so much coverage is so misguided and what we might do about
it.
Pinker's main focus is the sort of conscious, sequential reasoning that can
track the steps in a geometric proof or an argument in formal logic. Skill in this domain
maps directly onto the navigation of many real-world problems, and Pinker shows how greater
mastery of the tools of rationality can improve decision-making in medical, legal, financial
and many other contexts in which we must act on uncertain and shifting information. . . .
Despite the undeniable power of the sort of rationality he describes, many of
the deepest insights in the history of science, math, music and art strike their originators
in moments of epiphany. From the 19th-century chemist Friedrich August Kekulé's
discovery of the structure of benzene to any of Mozart's symphonies, much extraordinary
human achievement is not a product of conscious, sequential reasoning. Even Plato's Socrates
— who anticipated many of Pinker's points by nearly 2,500 years, showing the virtue of
knowing what you do not know and examining all premises in arguments, not simply trusting
speakers' authority or charisma — attributed many of his most profound insights to dreams
and visions. Conscious reasoning is helpful in sorting the wheat from the chaff, but it
would be interesting to consider the hidden aquifers that make much of the grain grow in the
first place.
The role of moral and ethical education in promoting rational
behavior is also underexplored. Pinker recognizes that rationality "is not just a cognitive
virtue but a moral one." But this profoundly important point, one subtly explored by ancient
Greek philosophers like Plato and Aristotle, doesn't really get developed. This is a shame,
since possessing the right sort of moral character is arguably a precondition for using
rationality in beneficial ways.
The author refers to the ancient Greek philosophers to:
The author mentions Kekulé's discovery of the structure of benzene and Mozart's symphonies to illustrate the point that:
According to the author, for Pinker as well as the ancient Greek philosophers, rational thinking involves all of the following EXCEPT:
The author endorses Pinker's views on the importance of logical reasoning as it:
The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage,
choose the best answer for each question.
In 2006, the Met [art museum in the US]
agreed to return the Euphronios krater, a masterpiece Greek urn that had been a museum draw
since 1972. In 2007, the Getty [art museum in the US] agreed to return 40 objects to Italy,
including a marble Aphrodite, in the midst of looting scandals. And in December, Sotheby's
and a private owner agreed to return an ancient Khmer statue of a warrior, pulled from
auction two years before, to Cambodia.
Cultural property, or patrimony, laws
limit the transfer of cultural property outside the source country's territory, including
outright export prohibitions and national ownership laws. Most art historians,
archaeologists, museum officials and policymakers portray cultural property laws in general
as invaluable tools for counteracting the ugly legacy of Western cultural
imperialism.
During the late 19th and early 20th century —
an era former Met director Thomas Hoving called "the age of piracy" — American and European
art museums acquired antiquities by hook or by crook, from grave robbers or souvenir
collectors, bounty from digs and ancient sites in impoverished but art-rich source
countries. Patrimony laws were intended to protect future archaeological discoveries against
Western imperialist designs. . . .
I surveyed 90 countries with one or more
archaeological sites on UNESCO's World Heritage Site list, and my study shows that in most
cases the number of discovered sites diminishes sharply after a country passes a cultural
property law. There are 222 archaeological sites listed for those 90 countries. When you
look into the history of the sites, you see that all but 21 were discovered before the
passage of cultural property laws. . . .
Strict cultural patrimony laws are
popular in most countries. But the downside may be that they reduce incentives for foreign
governments, nongovernmental organizations and educational institutions to invest in
overseas exploration because their efforts will not necessarily be rewarded by opportunities
to hold, display and study what is uncovered. To the extent that source countries can fund
their own archaeological projects, artifacts and sites may still be discovered. . . . The
survey has far-reaching implications. It suggests that source countries, particularly in the
developing world, should narrow their cultural property laws so that they can reap the
benefits of new archaeological discoveries, which typically increase tourism and enhance
cultural pride. This does not mean these nations should abolish restrictions on foreign
excavation and foreign claims to artifacts.
China provides an interesting
alternative approach for source nations eager for foreign archaeological investment. From
1935 to 2003, China had a restrictive cultural property law that prohibited foreign
ownership of Chinese cultural artifacts. In those years, China's most significant
archaeological discovery occurred by chance, in 1974, when peasant farmers accidentally
uncovered ranks of buried terra cotta warriors, which are part of Emperor Qin's spectacular
tomb system.
In 2003, the Chinese government switched course, dropping its
cultural property law and embracing collaborative international archaeological research.
Since then, China has nominated 11 archaeological sites for inclusion in the World Heritage
Site list, including eight in 2013, the most ever for China.
From the passage we can infer that the author is likely to advise poor, but archaeologically-rich source countries to do all of the following, EXCEPT:
It can be inferred from the passage that archaeological sites are considered important by some source countries because they:
Which one of the following statements, if true, would undermine the central idea of the passage?
Which one of the following statements best expresses the paradox of patrimony laws?
The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage,
choose the best answer for each question.
Understanding romantic aesthetics is
not a simple undertaking for reasons that are internal to the nature of the subject.
Distinguished scholars, such as Arthur Lovejoy, Northrop Frye and Isaiah Berlin, have
remarked on the notorious challenges facing any attempt to define romanticism. Lovejoy, for
example, claimed that romanticism is "the scandal of literary history and criticism" . . .
The main difficulty in studying the romantics, according to him, is the lack of any "single
real entity, or type of entity" that the concept "romanticism" designates. Lovejoy
concluded, "the word 'romantic' has come to mean so many things that, by itself, it means
nothing" . . .
The more specific task of characterizing romantic aesthetics adds
to these difficulties an air of paradox. Conventionally, "aesthetics" refers to a theory
concerning beauty and art or the branch of philosophy that studies these topics. However,
many of the romantics rejected the identification of aesthetics with a circumscribed domain
of human life that is separated from the practical and theoretical domains of life. The most
characteristic romantic commitment is to the idea that the character of art and beauty and
of our engagement with them should shape all aspects of human life. Being fundamental to
human existence, beauty and art should be a central ingredient not only in a philosophical
or artistic life, but also in the lives of ordinary men and women. Another challenge for any
attempt to characterize romantic aesthetics lies in the fact that most of the romantics were
poets and artists whose views of art and beauty are, for the most part, to be found not in
developed theoretical accounts, but in fragments, aphorisms and poems, which are often more
elusive and suggestive than conclusive.
Nevertheless, in spite of these
challenges the task of characterizing romantic aesthetics is neither impossible nor
undesirable, as numerous thinkers responding to Lovejoy's radical skepticism have noted.
While warning against a reductive definition of romanticism, Berlin, for example, still
heralded the need for a general characterization: "[Although] one does have a certain
sympathy with Lovejoy's despair…[he is] in this instance mistaken. There was a romantic
movement…and it is important to discover what it is" . . .
Recent attempts to
characterize romanticism and to stress its contemporary relevance follow this path. Instead
of overlooking the undeniable differences between the variety of romanticisms of different
nations that Lovejoy had stressed, such studies attempt to characterize romanticism, not in
terms of a single definition, a specific time, or a specific place, but in terms of
"particular philosophical questions and concerns" . . .
While the German, British
and French romantics are all considered, the central protagonists in the following are the
German romantics. Two reasons explain this focus: first, because it has paved the way for
the other romanticisms, German romanticism has a pride of place among the different national
romanticisms . . . Second, the aesthetic outlook that was developed in Germany roughly
between 1796 and 1801–02 — the period that corresponds to the heyday of what is known as
"Early Romanticism" . . .— offers the most philosophical expression of romanticism since it
is grounded primarily in the epistemological, metaphysical, ethical, and political concerns
that the German romantics discerned in the aftermath of Kant's philosophy.
According to the romantics, aesthetics:
Which one of the following statements is NOT supported by the passage?
The main difficulty in studying romanticism is the:
According to the passage, recent studies on romanticism avoid "a single definition, a specific time, or a specific place" because they:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
The Chinese have two different concepts of a copy. Fangzhipin . . . are imitations where the
difference from the original is obvious. These are small models or copies that can be purchased in a museum shop,
for example. The second concept for a copy is fuzhipin . . . They are exact reproductions of the original, which,
for the Chinese, are of equal value to the original. It has absolutely no negative connotations. The discrepancy
with regard to the understanding of what a copy is has often led to misunderstandings and arguments between China
and Western museums. The Chinese often send copies abroad instead of originals, in the firm belief that they are not
essentially different from the originals. The rejection that then comes from the Western museums is perceived by the
Chinese as an insult. . . .
The Far Eastern notion of identity is also very confusing to the Western
observer. The Ise Grand Shrine [in Japan] is 1,300 years old for the millions of Japanese people who go there on
pilgrimage every year. But in reality this temple complex is completely rebuilt from scratch every 20 years. . . .
The cathedral of Freiburg Minster in southwest Germany is covered in scaffolding almost all year round.
The sandstone from which it is built is a very soft, porous material that does not withstand natural erosion by rain
and wind. After a while, it crumbles. As a result, the cathedral is continually being examined for damage, and
eroded stones are replaced. And in the cathedral's dedicated workshop, copies of the damaged sandstone figures are
constantly being produced. Of course, attempts are made to preserve the stones from the Middle Ages for as long as
possible. But at some point they, too, are removed and replaced with new stones.
Fundamentally, this is
the same operation as with the Japanese shrine, except in this case the production of a replica takes place very
slowly and over long periods of time. . . . In the field of art as well, the idea of an unassailable original
developed historically in the Western world. Back in the 17th century [in the West], excavated artworks from
antiquity were treated quite differently from today. They were not restored in a way that was faithful to the
original. Instead, there was massive intervention in these works, changing their appearance. . . .
It is
probably this intellectual position that explains why Asians have far fewer scruples about cloning than Europeans.
The South Korean cloning researcher Hwang Woo-suk, who attracted worldwide attention with his cloning experiments in
2004, is a Buddhist. He found a great deal of support and followers among Buddhists, while Christians called for a
ban on human cloning. . . . Hwang legitimised his cloning experiments with his religious affiliation: 'I am
Buddhist, and I have no philosophical problem with cloning. And as you know, the basis of Buddhism is that life is
recycled through reincarnation. In some ways, I think, therapeutic cloning restarts the circle of life.'
Based on the passage, which one of the following copies would a Chinese museum be unlikely to consider as having less value than the original?
Which one of the following statements does not correctly express the similarity between the Ise Grand Shrine and the cathedral of Freiburg Minster?
Which one of the following scenarios is unlikely to follow from the arguments in the passage?
The value that the modern West assigns to "an unassailable original" has resulted in all of the following EXCEPT:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
Stoicism was founded in 300 BC by the Greek philosopher Zeno and survived into the Roman era
until about AD 300. According to the Stoics, emotions consist of two movements. The first movement is the immediate
feeling and other reactions (e.g., physiological response) that occur when a stimulus or event occurs. For instance,
consider what could have happened if an army general accused Marcus Aurelius of treason in front of other officers.
The first movement for Marcus may have been (internal) surprise and anger in response to this insult, accompanied
perhaps by some involuntary physiological and expressive responses such as face flushing and a movement of the
eyebrows. The second movement is what one does next about the emotion. Second movement behaviors occur after
thinking and are under one's control. Examples of second movements for Marcus might have included a plot to seek
revenge, actions signifying deference and appeasement, or perhaps proceeding as he would have proceeded whether or
not this event occurred: continuing to lead the Romans in a way that Marcus Aurelius believed best benefited them.
In the Stoic view, choosing a reasoned, unemotional response as the second movement is the only appropriate
response.
The Stoics believed that to live the good life and be a good person, we need to free ourselves
of nearly all desires such as too much desire for money, power, or sexual gratification. Prior to second movements,
we can consider what is important in life. Money, power, and excessive sexual gratification are not important.
Character, rationality, and kindness are important. The Epicureans, first associated with the Greek philosopher
Epicurus . . . held a similar view, believing that people should enjoy simple pleasures, such as good conversation,
friendship, food, and wine, but not be indulgent in these pursuits and not follow passion for those things that hold
no real value like power and money. As Oatley (2004) states, "the Epicureans articulated a view—enjoyment of
relationship with friends, of things that are real rather than illusory, simple rather than artificially inflated,
possible rather than vanishingly unlikely—that is certainly relevant today" . . . In sum, these ancient Greek and
Roman philosophers saw emotions, especially strong ones, as potentially dangerous. They viewed emotions as
experiences that needed to be [reined] in and controlled.
As Oatley (2004) points out, the Stoic idea
bears some similarity to Buddhism. Buddha, living in India in the 6th century BC, argued for cultivating a certain
attitude that decreases the probability of (in Stoic terms) destructive second movements. Through meditation and the
right attitude, one allows emotions to happen to oneself (it is impossible to prevent this), but one is advised to
observe the emotions without necessarily acting on them; one achieves some distance and decides what has value and
what does not have value. Additionally, the Stoic idea of developing virtue in oneself, of becoming a good person,
which the Stoics believed we could do because we have a touch of the divine, laid the foundation for the three
monotheistic religions: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam . . . As with Stoicism, tenets of these religions include
controlling our emotions lest we engage in sinful behavior.
On the basis of the passage, which one of the following statements can be regarded as true?
Which one of the following statements, if false, could be seen as contradicting the facts/arguments in the passage?
"Through meditation and the right attitude, one allows emotions to happen to oneself (it is impossible to prevent this), but one is advised to observe the emotions without necessarily acting on them; one achieves some distance and decides what has value and what does not have value." In the context of the passage, which one of the following is not a possible implication of the quoted statement?
Which one of the following statements would be an accurate inference from the example of Marcus Aurelius?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
Critical theory of technology is a political theory of modernity with a normative dimension. It
belongs to a tradition extending from Marx to Foucault and Habermas according to which advances in the formal claims
of human rights take center stage while in the background centralization of ever more powerful public institutions
and private organizations imposes an authoritarian social order.
Marx attributed this trajectory to the
capitalist rationalization of production. Today it marks many institutions besides the factory and every modern
political system, including so-called socialist systems. This trajectory arose from the problems of command over a
disempowered and deskilled labor force; but everywhere [that] masses are organized – whether it be Foucault's
prisons or Habermas's public sphere – the same pattern prevails. Technological design and development is shaped by
this pattern as the material base of a distinctive social order. Marcuse would later point to a "project" as the
basis of what he called rather confusingly "technological rationality." Releasing technology from this project is a
democratic political task.
In accordance with this general line of thought, critical theory of
technology regards technologies as an environment rather than as a collection of tools. We live today with and even
within technologies that determine our way of life. Along with the constant pressures to build centers of power,
many other social values and meanings are inscribed in technological design. A hermeneutics of technology must make
explicit the meanings implicit in the devices we use and the rituals they script. Social histories of technologies
such as the bicycle, artificial lighting or firearms have made important contributions to this type of analysis.
Critical theory of technology attempts to build a methodological approach on the lessons of these histories.
As an environment, technologies shape their inhabitants. In this respect, they are comparable to laws
and customs. Each of these institutions can be said to represent those who live under their sway through privileging
certain dimensions of their human nature. Laws of property represent the interest in ownership and control. Customs
such as parental authority represent the interest of childhood in safety and growth. Similarly, the automobile
represents its users in so far as they are interested in mobility. Interests such as these constitute the version of
human nature sanctioned by society.
This notion of representation does not imply an eternal human
nature. The concept of nature as non-identity in the Frankfurt School suggests an alternative. On these terms,
nature is what lies at the limit of history, at the point at which society loses the capacity to imprint its
meanings on things and control them effectively. The reference here is, of course, not to the nature of natural
science, but to the lived nature in which we find ourselves and which we are. This nature reveals itself as that
which cannot be totally encompassed by the machinery of society. For the Frankfurt School, human nature, in all its
transcending force, emerges out of a historical context as that context is [depicted] in illicit joys, struggles and
pathologies. We can perhaps admit a less romantic . . . conception in which those dimensions of human nature
recognized by society are also granted theoretical legitimacy.
All of the following claims can be inferred from the passage, EXCEPT:
Which one of the following statements best reflects the main argument of the fourth paragraph of the passage?
Which one of the following statements contradicts the arguments of the passage?
Which one of the following statements could be inferred as supporting the arguments of the passage?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
Stories concerning the Undead have always been with us. From out of the primal darkness of
Mankind's earliest years, come whispers of eerie creatures, not quite alive (or alive in a way which we can
understand), yet not quite dead either. These may have been ancient and primitive deities who dwelt deep in the
surrounding forests and in remote places, or simply those deceased who refused to remain in their tombs and who
wandered about the countryside, physically tormenting and frightening those who were still alive. Mostly they were
ill-defined—strange sounds in the night beyond the comforting glow of the fire, or a shape, half-glimpsed in the
twilight along the edge of an encampment. They were vague and indistinct, but they were always there with the power
to terrify and disturb. They had the power to touch the minds of our early ancestors and to fill them with dread.
Such fear formed the basis of the earliest tales although the source and exact nature of such terrors still remained
very vague.
And as Mankind became more sophisticated, leaving the gloom of their caves and forming
themselves into recognizable communities—towns, cities, whole cultures—so the Undead travelled with them, inhabiting
their folklore just as they had in former times. Now they began to take on more definite shapes. They became walking
cadavers; the physical embodiment of former deities and things which had existed alongside Man since the Creation.
Some still remained vague and ill-defined but, as Mankind strove to explain the horror which it felt towards them,
such creatures emerged more readily into the light.
In order to confirm their abnormal status, many of
the Undead were often accorded attributes, which defied the natural order of things—the power to transform
themselves into other shapes, the ability to sustain themselves by drinking human blood, and the ability to
influence human minds across a distance. Such powers—described as supernatural—only [lent] an added dimension to the
terror that humans felt regarding them.
And it was only natural, too, that the Undead should become
connected with the practice of magic. From very early times, Shamans and witchdoctors had claimed at least some
power and control over the spirits of departed ancestors, and this has continued down into more "civilized" times.
Formerly, the invisible spirits and forces that thronged around men's earliest encampments, had spoken "through" the
tribal Shamans but now, as entities in their own right, they were subject to magical control and could be physically
summoned by a competent sorcerer. However, the relationship between the magician and an Undead creature was often a
very tenuous and uncertain one. Some sorcerers might have even become Undead entities once they died, but they might
also have been susceptible to the powers of other magicians when they did.
From the Middle Ages and into
the Age of Enlightenment, theories of the Undead continued to grow and develop. Their names became more
familiar—werewolf, vampire, ghoul—each one certain to strike fear into the hearts of ordinary humans.
Which one of the following statements best describes what the passage is about?
"In order to confirm their abnormal status, many of the Undead were often accorded attributes, which defied the natural order of things . . ." Which one of the following best expresses the claim made in this statement?
All of the following statements, if false, could be seen as being in accordance with the passage, EXCEPT:
Which one of the following observations is a valid conclusion to draw from the statement, "From out of the primal darkness of Mankind's earliest years, come whispers of eerie creatures, not quite alive (or alive in a way which we can understand), yet not quite dead either."?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
[Octopuses are] misfits in their own extended families . . . They belong to the Mollusca class
Cephalopoda. But they don't look like their cousins at all. Other molluscs include sea snails, sea slugs, bivalves -
most are shelled invertebrates with a dorsal foot. Cephalopods are all arms, and can be as tiny as 1 centimetre and
as large at 30 feet. Some of them have brains the size of a walnut, which is large for an invertebrate. . .
.
It makes sense for these molluscs to have added protection in the form of a higher cognition; they
don't have a shell covering them, and pretty much everything feeds on cephalopods, including humans. But how did
cephalopods manage to secure their own invisibility cloak? Cephalopods fire from multiple cylinders to achieve this
in varying degrees from species to species. There are four main catalysts - chromatophores, iridophores, papillae
and leucophores. . . .
[Chromatophores] are organs on their bodies that contain pigment sacs, which have
red, yellow and brown pigment granules. These sacs have a network of radial muscles, meaning muscles arranged in a
circle radiating outwards. These are connected to the brain by a nerve. When the cephalopod wants to change colour,
the brain carries an electrical impulse through the nerve to the muscles that expand outwards, pulling open the sacs
to display the colours on the skin. Why these three colours? Because these are the colours the light reflects at the
depths they live in (the rest is absorbed before it reaches those depths). . . .
Well, what about other
colours? Cue the iridophores. Think of a second level of skin that has thin stacks of cells. These can reflect light
back at different wavelengths. . . . It's using the same properties that we've seen in hologram stickers, or
rainbows on puddles of oil. You move your head and you see a different colour. The sticker isn't doing anything but
reflecting light - it's your movement that's changing the appearance of the colour. This property of holograms, oil
and other such surfaces is called "iridescence". . . .
Papillae are sections of the skin that can be
deformed to make a texture bumpy. Even humans possess them (goosebumps) but cannot use them in the manner that
cephalopods can. For instance, the use of these cells is how an octopus can wrap itself over a rock and appear
jagged or how a squid or cuttlefish can imitate the look of a coral reef by growing miniature towers on its skin. It
actually matches the texture of the substrate it chooses.
Finally, the leucophores: According to a
paper, published in Nature, cuttlefish and octopuses possess an additional type of reflector cell called a
leucophore. They are cells that scatter full spectrum light so that they appear white in a similar way that a polar
bear's fur appears white. Leucophores will also reflect any filtered light shown on them . . . If the water appears
blue at a certain depth, the octopuses and cuttlefish can appear blue; if the water appears green, they appear
green, and so on and so forth.
All of the following are reasons for octopuses being "misfits" EXCEPT that they:
Based on the passage, we can infer that all of the following statements, if true, would weaken the camouflaging adeptness of Cephalopods EXCEPT:
Based on the passage, it can be inferred that camouflaging techniques in an octopus are most dissimilar to those in:
Which one of the following statements is not true about the camouflaging ability of Cephalopods?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
We begin with the emergence of the philosophy of the social sciences as an arena of thought and
as a set of social institutions. The two characterisations overlap but are not congruent. Academic disciplines are
social institutions. . . . My view is that institutions are all those social entities that organise action: they
link acting individuals into social structures. There are various kinds of institutions. Hegelians and Marxists
emphasise universal institutions such as the family, rituals, governance, economy and the military. These are mostly
institutions that just grew. Perhaps in some imaginary beginning of time they spontaneously appeared. In their
present incarnations, however, they are very much the product of conscious attempts to mould and plan them. We have
family law, established and disestablished churches, constitutions and laws, including those governing the economy
and the military. Institutions deriving from statute, like joint-stock companies are formal by contrast with
informal ones such as friendships. There are some institutions that come in both informal and formal variants, as
well as in mixed ones. Consider the fact that the stock exchange and the black market are both market institutions,
one formal one not. Consider further that there are many features of the work of the stock exchange that rely on
informal, noncodifiable agreements, not least the language used for communication. To be precise, mixtures are the
norm . . . From constitutions at the top to by-laws near the bottom we are always adding to, or tinkering with,
earlier institutions, the grown and the designed are intertwined.
It is usual in social thought to treat
culture and tradition as different from, although alongside, institutions. The view taken here is different. Culture
and tradition are sub-sets of institutions analytically isolated for explanatory or expository purposes. Some social
scientists have taken all institutions, even purely local ones, to be entities that satisfy basic human needs -
under local conditions . . . Others differed and declared any structure of reciprocal roles and norms an
institution. Most of these differences are differences of emphasis rather than disagreements. Let us straddle all
these versions and present institutions very generally . . . as structures that serve to coordinate the actions of
individuals. . . . Institutions themselves then have no aims or purpose other than those given to them by actors or
used by actors to explain them . . .
Language is the formative institution for social life and for
science . . . Both formal and informal language is involved, naturally grown or designed. (Language is all of these
to varying degrees.) Languages are paradigms of institutions or, from another perspective, nested sets of
institutions. Syntax, semantics, lexicon and alphabet/character-set are all institutions within the larger
institutional framework of a written language. Natural languages are typical examples of what Ferguson called 'the
result of human action, but not the execution of any human design'[;] reformed natural languages and artificial
languages introduce design into their modifications or refinements of natural language. Above all, languages are
paradigms of institutional tools that function to coordinate.
"Consider the fact that the stock exchange and the black market are both market institutions, one formal one not." Which one of the following statements best explains this quote, in the context of the passage?
All of the following inferences from the passage are false, EXCEPT:
Which of the following statements best represents the essence of the passage?
In the first paragraph of the passage, what are the two "characterisations" that are seen as overlapping but not congruent?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
When we teach engineering problems now, we ask students to come to a single "best" solution
defined by technical ideals like low cost, speed to build, and ability to scale. This way of teaching primes
students to believe that their decision-making is purely objective, as it is grounded in math and science. This is
known as technical-social dualism, the idea that the technical and social dimensions of engineering problems are
readily separable and remain distinct throughout the problem-definition and solution
process.
Nontechnical parameters such as access to a technology, cultural relevancy or potential harms
are deemed political and invalid in this way of learning. But those technical ideals are at their core social and
political choices determined by a dominant culture focused on economic growth for the most privileged segments of
society. By choosing to downplay public welfare as a critical parameter for engineering design, we risk creating a
culture of disengagement from societal concerns amongst engineers that is antithetical to the ethical code of
engineering.
In my field of medical devices, ignoring social dimensions has real consequences. . . . Most
FDA-approved drugs are incorrectly dosed for people assigned female at birth, leading to unexpected adverse
reactions. This is because they have been inadequately represented in clinical trials.
Beyond physical
failings, subjective beliefs treated as facts by those in decision-making roles can encode social inequities. For
example, spirometers, routinely used devices that measure lung capacity, still have correction factors that
automatically assume smaller lung capacity in Black and Asian individuals. These racially based adjustments are
derived from research done by eugenicists who thought these racial differences were biologically determined and who
considered nonwhite people as inferior. These machines ignore the influence of social and environmental factors on
lung capacity.
Many technologies for systemically marginalized people have not been built because they
were not deemed important such as better early diagnostics and treatment for diseases like endometriosis, a disease
that afflicts 10 percent of people with uteruses. And we hardly question whether devices are built sustainably,
which has led to a crisis of medical waste and health care accounting for 10 percent of U.S. greenhouse gas
emissions.
Social justice must be made core to the way engineers are trained. Some universities are
working on this. . . . Engineers taught this way will be prepared to think critically about what problems we choose
to solve, how we do so responsibly and how we build teams that challenge our ways of thinking.
Individual
engineering professors are also working to embed societal needs in their pedagogy. Darshan Karwat at the University
of Arizona developed activist engineering to challenge engineers to acknowledge their full moral and social
responsibility through practical self-reflection. Khalid Kadir at the University of California, Berkeley, created
the popular course Engineering, Environment, and Society that teaches engineers how to engage in place-based
knowledge, an understanding of the people, context and history, to design better technical approaches in
collaboration with communities. When we design and build with equity and justice in mind, we craft better solutions
that respond to the complexities of entrenched systemic problems.
In this passage, the author is making the claim that:
The author gives all of the following reasons for why marginalised people are systematically discriminated against in technology-related interventions EXCEPT:
All of the following are examples of the negative outcomes of focusing on technical ideals in the medical sphere EXCEPT the:
We can infer that the author would approve of a more evolved engineering pedagogy that includes all of the following EXCEPT:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
Humans today make music. Think beyond all the qualifications that might trail after this bald statement:
that only certain humans make music, that extensive training is involved, that many societies distinguish musical
specialists from nonmusicians, that in today's societies most listen to music rather than making it, and so forth.
These qualifications, whatever their local merit, are moot in the face of the overarching truth that making music,
considered from a cognitive and psychological vantage, is the province of all those who perceive and experience what
is made. We are, almost all of us, musicians - everyone who can entrain (not necessarily dance) to a beat, who can
recognize a repeated tune (not necessarily sing it), who can distinguish one instrument or one singing voice from
another. I will often use an antique word, recently revived, to name this broader musical experience. Humans are
musicking creatures. . . .
The set of capacities that enables musicking is a principal marker of modern
humanity. There is nothing polemical in this assertion except a certain insistence, which will figure often in what
follows, that musicking be included in our thinking about fundamental human commonalities. Capacities involved in
musicking are many and take shape in complicated ways, arising from innate dispositions . . . Most of these
capacities overlap with nonmusical ones, though a few may be distinct and dedicated to musical perception and
production. In the area of overlap, linguistic capacities seem to be particularly important, and humans are (in
principle) language-makers in addition to music-makers - speaking creatures as well as musicking
ones.
Humans are symbol-makers too, a feature tightly bound up with language, not so tightly with music.
The species Cassirer dubbed Homo symbolicus cannot help but tangle musicking in webs of symbolic thought and
expression, habitually making it a component of behavioral complexes that form such expression. But in fundamental
features musicking is neither language-like nor symbol-like, and from these differences come many clues to its
ancient emergence.
If musicking is a primary, shared trait of modern humans, then to describe its
emergence must be to detail the coalescing of that modernity. This took place, archaeologists are clear, over a very
long durée: at least 50,000 years or so, more likely something closer to 200,000, depending in part on what that
coalescence is taken to comprise. If we look back 20,000 years, a small portion of this long period, we reach the
lives of humans whose musical capacities were probably little different from our own. As we look farther back we
reach horizons where this similarity can no longer hold - perhaps 40,000 years ago, perhaps 70,000, perhaps 100,000.
But we never cross a line before which all the cognitive capacities recruited in modern musicking abruptly
disappear. Unless we embrace the incredible notion that music sprang forth in full-blown glory, its emergence will
have to be tracked in gradualist terms across a long period.
This is one general feature of a history of
music's emergence . . . The history was at once sociocultural and biological . . . The capacities recruited in
musicking are many, so describing its emergence involves following several or many separate strands.
Which one of the following sets of terms best serves as keywords to the passage?
Based on the passage, which one of the following statements is a valid argument about the emergence of music/musicking?
"Think beyond all the qualifications that might trail after this bald statement . . ." In the context of the passage, what is the author trying to communicate in this quoted extract?
Which one of the following statements, if true, would weaken the author's claim that humans are musicking creatures?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
As software improves, the people using it become less likely to sharpen their own know-how.
Applications that offer lots of prompts and tips are often to blame; simpler, less solicitous programs push people
harder to think, act and learn.
Ten years ago, information scientists at Utrecht University in the
Netherlands had a group of people carry out complicated analytical and planning tasks using either rudimentary
software that provided no assistance or sophisticated software that offered a great deal of aid. The researchers
found that the people using the simple software developed better strategies, made fewer mistakes and developed a
deeper aptitude for the work. The people using the more advanced software, meanwhile, would often "aimlessly click
around" when confronted with a tricky problem. The supposedly helpful software actually short-circuited their
thinking and learning.
[According to] philosopher Hubert Dreyfus . . . . our skills get sharper only
through practice, when we use them regularly to overcome different sorts of difficult challenges. The goal of modern
software, by contrast, is to ease our way through such challenges. Arduous, painstaking work is exactly what
programmers are most eager to automate-after all, that is where the immediate efficiency gains tend to lie. In other
words, a fundamental tension ripples between the interests of the people doing the automation and the interests of
the people doing the work.
Nevertheless, automation's scope continues to widen. With the rise of
electronic health records, physicians increasingly rely on software templates to guide them through patient exams.
The programs incorporate valuable checklists and alerts, but they also make medicine more routinized and
formulaic-and distance doctors from their patients. . . . Harvard Medical School professor Beth Lown, in a 2012
journal article . . . warned that when doctors become "screen-driven," following a computer's prompts rather than
"the patient's narrative thread," their thinking can become constricted. In the worst cases, they may miss important
diagnostic signals. . . .
In a recent paper published in the journal Diagnosis, three medical
researchers . . . examined the misdiagnosis of Thomas Eric Duncan, the first person to die of Ebola in the U.S., at
Texas Health Presbyterian Hospital Dallas. They argue that the digital templates used by the hospital's clinicians
to record patient information probably helped to induce a kind of tunnel vision. "These highly constrained tools,"
the researchers write, "are optimized for data capture but at the expense of sacrificing their utility for
appropriate triage and diagnosis, leading users to miss the forest for the trees." Medical software, they write, is
no "replacement for basic history-taking, examination skills, and critical thinking." . . .
There is an
alternative. In "human-centered automation," the talents of people take precedence. . . . In this model, software
plays an essential but secondary role. It takes over routine functions that a human operator has already mastered,
issues alerts when unexpected situations arise, provides fresh information that expands the operator's perspective
and counters the biases that often distort human thinking. The technology becomes the expert's partner, not the
expert's replacement.
From the passage, we can infer that the author is apprehensive about the use of sophisticated automation for all of the following reasons EXCEPT that:
In the Ebola misdiagnosis case, we can infer that doctors probably missed the forest for the trees because:
In the context of the passage, all of the following can be considered examples of human-centered automation EXCEPT:
It can be inferred that in the Utrecht University experiment, one group of people was "aimlessly clicking around" because:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
Nature has all along yielded her flesh to humans. First, we took nature's materials as food,
fibers, and shelter. Then we learned to extract raw materials from her biosphere to create our own new synthetic
materials. Now Bios is yielding us her mind-we are taking her logic.
Clockwork logic-the logic of the
machines-will only build simple contraptions. Truly complex systems such as a cell, a meadow, an economy, or a brain
(natural or artificial) require a rigorous nontechnological logic. We now see that no logic except bio-logic can
assemble a thinking device, or even a workable system of any magnitude.
It is an astounding discovery
that one can extract the logic of Bios out of biology and have something useful. Although many philosophers in the
past have suspected one could abstract the laws of life and apply them elsewhere, it wasn't until the complexity of
computers and human-made systems became as complicated as living things, that it was possible to prove this. It's
eerie how much of life can be transferred. So far, some of the traits of the living that have successfully been
transported to mechanical systems are: self-replication, self-governance, limited self-repair, mild evolution, and
partial learning.
We have reason to believe yet more can be synthesized and made into something new. Yet
at the same time that the logic of Bios is being imported into machines, the logic of Technos is being imported into
life. The root of bioengineering is the desire to control the organic long enough to improve it. Domesticated plants
and animals are examples of technos-logic applied to life. The wild aromatic root of the Queen Anne's lace weed has
been fine-tuned over generations by selective herb gatherers until it has evolved into a sweet carrot of the garden;
the udders of wild bovines have been selectively enlarged in a "unnatural" way to satisfy humans rather than calves.
Milk cows and carrots, therefore, are human inventions as much as steam engines and gunpowder are. But milk cows and
carrots are more indicative of the kind of inventions humans will make in the future: products that are grown rather
than manufactured.
Genetic engineering is precisely what cattle breeders do when they select better
strains of Holsteins, only bioengineers employ more precise and powerful control. While carrot and milk cow breeders
had to rely on diffuse organic evolution, modern genetic engineers can use directed artificial evolution-purposeful
design-which greatly accelerates improvements.
The overlap of the mechanical and the lifelike increases
year by year. Part of this bionic convergence is a matter of words. The meanings of "mechanical" and "life" are both
stretching until all complicated things can be perceived as machines, and all self-sustaining machines can be
perceived as alive. Yet beyond semantics, two concrete trends are happening: (1) Human-made things are behaving more
lifelike, and (2) Life is becoming more engineered. The apparent veil between the organic and the manufactured has
crumpled to reveal that the two really are, and have always been, of one being.
The author claims that, "Part of this bionic convergence is a matter of words". Which one of the following statements best expresses the point being made by the author?
Which one of the following sets of words/phrases best serves as keywords to the passage?
None of the following statements is implied by the arguments of the passage, EXCEPT:
The author claims that, "The apparent veil between the organic and the manufactured has crumpled to reveal that the two really are, and have always been, of one being." Which one of the following statements best expresses the point being made by the author here?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
Interpretations of the Indian past . . . were inevitably influenced by colonial concerns and
interests, and also by prevalent European ideas about history, civilization and the Orient. Orientalist scholars
studied the languages and the texts with selected Indian scholars, but made little attempt to understand the
world-view of those who were teaching them. The readings therefore are something of a disjuncture from the
traditional ways of looking at the Indian past. . . .
Orientalism [which we can understand broadly as
Western perceptions of the Orient] fuelled the fantasy and the freedom sought by European Romanticism, particularly
in its opposition to the more disciplined Neo-Classicism. The cultures of Asia were seen as bringing a new Romantic
paradigm. Another Renaissance was anticipated through an acquaintance with the Orient, and this, it was thought,
would be different from the earlier Greek Renaissance. It was believed that this Oriental Renaissance would liberate
European thought and literature from the increasing focus on discipline and rationality that had followed from the
earlier Enlightenment. . . . [The Romantic English poets, Wordsworth and Coleridge,] were apprehensive of the
changes introduced by industrialization and turned to nature and to fantasies of the Orient.
However,
this enthusiasm gradually changed, to conform with the emphasis later in the nineteenth century on the innate
superiority of European civilization. Oriental civilizations were now seen as having once been great but currently
in decline. The various phases of Orientalism tended to mould European understanding of the Indian past into a
particular pattern. . . . There was an attempt to formulate Indian culture as uniform, such formulations being
derived from texts that were given priority. The so-called 'discovery' of India was largely through selected
literature in Sanskrit. This interpretation tended to emphasize non-historical aspects of Indian culture, for
example the idea of an unchanging continuity of society and religion over 3,000 years; and it was believed that the
Indian pattern of life was so concerned with metaphysics and the subtleties of religious belief that little
attention was given to the more tangible aspects.
German Romanticism endorsed this image of India, and
it became the mystic land for many Europeans, where even the most ordinary actions were imbued with a complex
symbolism. This was the genesis of the idea of the spiritual east, and also, incidentally, the refuge of European
intellectuals seeking to distance themselves from the changing patterns of their own societies. A dichotomy in
values was maintained, Indian values being described as 'spiritual' and European values as 'materialistic', with
little attempt to juxtapose these values with the reality of Indian society. This theme has been even more firmly
endorsed by a section of Indian opinion during the last hundred years.
It was a consolation to the Indian
intelligentsia for its perceived inability to counter the technical superiority of the west, a superiority viewed as
having enabled Europe to colonize Asia and other parts of the world. At the height of anti-colonial nationalism it
acted as a salve for having been made a colony of Britain.
It can be inferred from the passage that to gain a more accurate view of a nation's history and culture, scholars should do all of the following EXCEPT:
It can be inferred from the passage that the author is not likely to support the view that:
Which one of the following styles of research is most similar to the Orientalist scholars' method of understanding Indian history and culture?
In the context of the passage, all of the following statements are true EXCEPT:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
Sociologists working in the Chicago School tradition have focused on how rapid or dramatic
social change causes increases in crime. Just as Durkheim, Marx, Toennies, and other European sociologists thought
that the rapid changes produced by industrialization and urbanization produced crime and disorder, so too did the
Chicago School theorists. The location of the University of Chicago provided an excellent opportunity for Park,
Burgess, and McKenzie to study the social ecology of the city. Shaw and McKay found . . . that areas of the city
characterized by high levels of social disorganization had higher rates of crime and delinquency.
In the
1920s and 1930s Chicago, like many American cities, experienced considerable immigration. Rapid population growth is
a disorganizing influence, but growth resulting from in-migration of very different people is particularly
disruptive. Chicago's in-migrants were both native-born whites and blacks from rural areas and small towns, and
foreign immigrants. The heavy industry of cities like Chicago, Detroit, and Pittsburgh drew those seeking
opportunities and new lives. Farmers and villagers from America's hinterland, like their European cousins of whom
Durkheim wrote, moved in large numbers into cities. At the start of the twentieth century, Americans were
predominately a rural population, but by the century's mid-point most lived in urban areas. The social lives of
these migrants, as well as those already living in the cities they moved to, were disrupted by the differences
between urban and rural life. According to social disorganization theory, until the social ecology of the ''new
place'' can adapt, this rapid change is a criminogenic influence. But most rural migrants, and even many of the
foreign immigrants to the city, looked like and eventually spoke the same language as the natives of the cities into
which they moved. These similarities allowed for more rapid social integration for these migrants than was the case
for African Americans and most foreign immigrants.
In these same decades America experienced what has
been called ''the great migration'': the massive movement of African Americans out of the rural South and into
northern (and some southern) cities. The scale of this migration is one of the most dramatic in human history. These
migrants, unlike their white counterparts, were not integrated into the cities they now called home. In fact, most
American cities at the end of the twentieth century were characterized by high levels of racial residential
segregation . . . Failure to integrate these migrants, coupled with other forces of social disorganization such as
crowding, poverty, and illness, caused crime rates to climb in the cities, particularly in the segregated wards and
neighborhoods where the migrants were forced to live.
Foreign immigrants during this period did not look
as dramatically different from the rest of the population as blacks did, but the migrants from eastern and southern
Europe who came to American cities did not speak English, and were frequently Catholic, while the native born were
mostly Protestant. The combination of rapid population growth with the diversity of those moving into the cities
created what the Chicago School sociologists called social disorganization.
A fundamental conclusion by the author is that:
The author notes that, "At the start of the twentieth century, Americans were predominately a rural population, but by the century's mid-point most lived in urban areas." Which one of the following statements, if true, does not contradict this statement?
Which one of the following is not a valid inference from the passage?
Which one of the following sets of words/phrases best encapsulates the issues discussed in the passage?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
The
sleights of hand that conflate consumption with virtue are a central theme in A Thirst for Empire, a sweeping and
richly detailed history of tea by the historian Erika Rappaport. How did tea evolve from an obscure "China drink" to
a universal beverage imbued with civilising properties? The answer, in brief, revolves around this conflation, not
only by profit-motivated marketers but by a wide variety of interest groups. While abundant historical records have
allowed the study of how tea itself moved from east to west, Rappaport is focused on the movement of the idea of tea
to suit particular purposes.
Beginning in the 1700s, the temperance movement advocated for tea as a
pleasure that cheered but did not inebriate, and industrialists soon borrowed this moral argument in advancing their
case for free trade in tea (and hence more open markets for their textiles). Factory owners joined in, compelled by
the cause of a sober workforce, while Christian missionaries discovered that tea "would soothe any colonial
encounter". During the Second World War, tea service was presented as a social and patriotic activity that uplifted
soldiers and calmed refugees.
But it was tea's consumer-directed marketing by importers and retailers
“ and later by brands “ that most closely portends current trade debates. An early version of the "farm
to table" movement was sparked by anti-Chinese sentiment and concerns over trade deficits, as well as by the reality
and threat of adulterated tea containing dirt and hedge clippings. Lipton was soon advertising "from the Garden to
Tea Cup" supply chains originating in British India and supervised by "educated Englishmen". While tea marketing
always presented direct consumer benefits (health, energy, relaxation), tea drinkers were also assured that they
were participating in a larger noble project that advanced the causes of family, nation and civilization. . . .
Rappaport's treatment of her subject is refreshingly apolitical. Indeed, it is a virtue that readers will
be unable to guess her political orientation: both the miracle of markets and capitalism's dark underbelly are
evident in tea's complex story, as are the complicated effects of British colonialism. . . . Commodity histories are
now themselves commodities: recent works investigate cotton, salt, cod, sugar, chocolate, paper and milk. And
morality marketing is now a commodity as well, applied to food, "fair trade" apparel and eco-tourism. Yet tea is,
Rappaport makes clear, a world apart “ an astonishing success story in which tea marketers not only succeeded
in conveying a sense of moral elevation to the consumer but also arguably did advance the cause of civilisation and
community.
I have been offered tea at a British garden party, a Bedouin campfire, a Turkish carpet shop and
a Japanese chashitsu, to name a few settings. In each case the offering was more an idea “ friendship,
community, respect “ than a drink, and in each case the idea then created a reality. It is not a stretch to
say that tea marketers have advanced the particularly noble cause of human dialogue and friendship.
The author of this book review is LEAST likely to support the view that:
This book review argues that, according to Rappaport, tea is unlike other "morality" products because it:
According to this book review, A Thirst for Empire says that, in addition to "profit-motivated marketers", tea drinking was promoted in Britain by all of the following EXCEPT:
Today, "conflat[ing] consumption with virtue" can be seen in the marketing of:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
For the
Maya of the Classic period, who lived in Southern Mexico and Central America between 250 and 900 CE, the category of
'persons' was not coincident with human beings, as it is for us. That is, human beings were persons “ but
other, nonhuman entities could be persons, too. . . . In order to explore the slippage of categories between
'humans' and 'persons', I examined a very specific category of ancient Maya images, found painted in scenes on
ceramic vessels. I sought out instances in which faces (some combination of eyes, nose, and mouth) are shown on
inanimate objects. . . . Consider my iPhone, which needs to be fed with electricity every night, swaddled in a
protective bumper, and enjoys communicating with other fellow-phone-beings. Does it have personhood (if at all)
because it is connected to me, drawing this resource from me as an owner or source? For the Maya (who did have
plenty of other communicating objects, if not smartphones), the answer was no. Nonhuman persons were not tethered to
specific humans, and they did not derive their personhood from a connection with a human. . . . It's a profoundly
democratising way of understanding the world. Humans are not more important persons “ we are just one of many
kinds of persons who inhabit this world. . . .
The Maya saw personhood as 'activated' by experiencing
certain bodily needs and through participation in certain social activities. For example, among the faced objects
that I examined, persons are marked by personal requirements (such as hunger, tiredness, physical closeness), and by
community obligations (communication, interaction, ritual observance). In the images I examined, we see, for
instance, faced objects being cradled in humans' arms; we also see them speaking to humans. These core elements of
personhood are both turned inward, what the body or self of a person requires, and outward, what a community expects
of the persons who are a part of it, underlining the reciprocal nature of community membership. . . .
Personhood was a nonbinary proposition for the Maya. Entities were able to be persons while also being something
else. The faced objects I looked at indicate that they continue to be functional, doing what objects do (a stone
implement continues to chop, an incense burner continues to do its smoky work). Furthermore, the Maya visually
depicted many objects in ways that indicated the material category to which they belonged “ drawings of the
stone implement show that a person-tool is still made of stone. One additional complexity: the incense burner (which
would have been made of clay, and decorated with spiky appliques representing the sacred ceiba tree found in this
region) is categorised as a person “ but also as a tree. With these Maya examples, we are challenged to
discard the person/nonperson binary that constitutes our basic ontological outlook. . . . The porousness of
boundaries that we have seen in the Maya world points towards the possibility of living with a certain
uncategorisability of the world.
Which one of the following, if true about the Classic Maya, would invalidate the purpose of the iPhone example in the passage?
Which one of the following, if true, would not undermine the democratising potential of the Classic Maya worldview?
On the basis of the passage, which one of the following worldviews can be inferred to be closest to that of the Classic Maya?
Which one of the following best explains the "additional complexity" that the example of the incense burner illustrates regarding personhood for the Classic Maya?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
We cannot
travel outside our neighbourhood without passports. We must wear the same plain clothes. We must exchange our houses
every ten years. We cannot avoid labour. We all go to bed at the same time . . . We have religious freedom, but we
cannot deny that the soul dies with the body, since 'but for the fear of punishment, they would have nothing but
contempt for the laws and customs of society'. . . . In More's time, for much of the population, given the plenty
and security on offer, such restraints would not have seemed overly unreasonable. For modern readers, however,
Utopia appears to rely upon relentless transparency, the repression of variety, and the curtailment of privacy.
Utopia provides security: but at what price? In both its external and internal relations, indeed, it seems
perilously dystopian.
Such a conclusion might be fortified by examining selectively the tradition which
follows More on these points. This often portrays societies where . . . 'it would be almost impossible for man to be
depraved, or wicked'. . . . This is achieved both through institutions and mores, which underpin the common life. .
. . The passions are regulated and inequalities of wealth and distinction are minimized. Needs, vanity, and
emulation are restrained, often by prizing equality and holding riches in contempt. The desire for public power is
curbed. Marriage and sexual intercourse are often controlled: in Tommaso Campanella's The City of the Sun (1623),
the first great literary utopia after More's, relations are forbidden to men before the age of twenty-one and women
before nineteen. Communal child-rearing is normal; for Campanella this commences at age two. Greater simplicity of
life, 'living according to nature', is often a result: the desire for simplicity and purity are closely related.
People become more alike in appearance, opinion, and outlook than they often have been. Unity, order, and
homogeneity thus prevail at the cost of individuality and diversity. This model, as J. C. Davis demonstrates,
dominated early modern utopianism. . . . And utopian homogeneity remains a familiar theme well into the twentieth
century.
Given these considerations, it is not unreasonable to take as our starting point here the
hypothesis that utopia and dystopia evidently share more in common than is often supposed. Indeed, they might be
twins, the progeny of the same parents. Insofar as this proves to be the case, my linkage of both here will be
uncomfortably close for some readers. Yet we should not mistake this argument for the assertion that all utopias
are, or tend to produce, dystopias. Those who defend this proposition will find that their association here is not
nearly close enough. For we have only to acknowledge the existence of thousands of successful intentional
communities in which a cooperative ethos predominates and where harmony without coercion is the rule to set aside
such an assertion. Here the individual's submersion in the group is consensual (though this concept is not
unproblematic). It results not in enslavement but voluntary submission to group norms. Harmony is achieved without .
. . harming others.
Following from the passage, which one of the following may be seen as a characteristic of a utopian society?
Which sequence of words below best captures the narrative of the passage?
All of the following statements can be inferred from the passage EXCEPT that:
All of the following arguments are made in the passage EXCEPT that:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
Cuttlefish
are full of personality, as behavioral ecologist Alexandra Schnell found out while researching the cephalopod's
potential to display self-control. . . . "Self-control is thought to be the cornerstone of intelligence, as it is an
important prerequisite for complex decision-making and planning for the future," says Schnell . . .
[Schnell's] study used a modified version of the "marshmallow test" . . . During the original marshmallow test,
psychologist Walter Mischel presented children between age four and six with one marshmallow. He told them that if
they waited 15 minutes and didn't eat it, he would give them a second marshmallow. A long-term follow-up study
showed that the children who waited for the second marshmallow had more success later in life. . . . The cuttlefish
version of the experiment looked a lot different. The researchers worked with six cuttlefish under nine months old
and presented them with seafood instead of sweets. (Preliminary experiments showed that cuttlefishes' favorite food
is live grass shrimp, while raw prawns are so-so and Asian shore crab is nearly unacceptable.) Since the researchers
couldn't explain to the cuttlefish that they would need to wait for their shrimp, they trained them to recognize
certain shapes that indicated when a food item would become available. The symbols were pasted on transparent
drawers so that the cuttlefish could see the food that was stored inside. One drawer, labeled with a circle to mean
"immediate," held raw king prawn. Another drawer, labeled with a triangle to mean "delayed," held live grass shrimp.
During a control experiment, square labels meant "never."
"If their self-control is flexible and I hadn't
just trained them to wait in any context, you would expect the cuttlefish to take the immediate reward [in the
control], even if it's their second preference," says Schnell . . . and that's what they did. That showed the
researchers that cuttlefish wouldn't reject the prawns if it was the only food available. In the experimental
trials, the cuttlefish didn't jump on the prawns if the live grass shrimp were labeled with a triangle”many
waited for the shrimp drawer to open up. Each time the cuttlefish showed it could wait, the researchers tacked
another ten seconds on to the next round of waiting before releasing the shrimp. The longest that a cuttlefish
waited was 130 seconds.
Schnell [says] that the cuttlefish usually sat at the bottom of the tank and looked
at the two food items while they waited, but sometimes, they would turn away from the king prawn "as if to distract
themselves from the temptation of the immediate reward." In past studies, humans, chimpanzees, parrots and dogs also
tried to distract themselves while waiting for a reward.
Not every species can use self-control, but most
of the animals that can share another trait in common: long, social lives. Cuttlefish, on the other hand, are
solitary creatures that don't form relationships even with mates or young. . . . "We don't know if living in a
social group is important for complex cognition unless we also show those abilities are lacking in less social
species," says . . . comparative psychologist Jennifer Vonk.
All of the following constitute a point of difference between the "original" and "modified" versions of the marshmallow test EXCEPT that:
Which one of the following, if true, would best complement the passage's findings?
In which one of the following scenarios would the cuttlefish's behaviour demonstrate self-control?
Which one of the following cannot be inferred from Alexandra Schnell's experiment?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
It has been
said that knowledge, or the problem of knowledge, is the scandal of philosophy. The scandal is philosophy's apparent
inability to show how, when and why we can be sure that we know something or, indeed, that we know anything.
Philosopher Michael Williams writes: 'Is it possible to obtain knowledge at all? This problem is pressing because
there are powerful arguments, some very ancient, for the conclusion that it is not . . . Scepticism is the skeleton
in Western rationalism's closet'. While it is not clear that the scandal matters to anyone but philosophers,
philosophers point out that it should matter to everyone, at least given a certain conception of knowledge. For,
they explain, unless we can ground our claims to knowledge as such, which is to say, distinguish it from mere
opinion, superstition, fantasy, wishful thinking, ideology, illusion or delusion, then the actions we take on the
basis of presumed knowledge – boarding an airplane, swallowing a pill, finding someone guilty of a crime
– will be irrational and unjustifiable.
That is all quite serious-sounding but so also are the
rattlings of the skeleton: that is, the sceptic's contention that we cannot be sure that we know anything – at
least not if we think of knowledge as something like having a correct mental representation of reality, and not if
we think of reality as something like things-as-they-are-in-themselves, independent of our perceptions, ideas or
descriptions. For, the sceptic will note, since reality, under that conception of it, is outside our ken (we cannot
catch a glimpse of things-in-themselves around the corner of our own eyes; we cannot form an idea of reality that
floats above the processes of our conceiving it), we have no way to compare our mental representations with
things-as-they-are-in-themselves and therefore no way to determine whether they are correct or incorrect. Thus the
sceptic may repeat (rattling loudly), you cannot be sure you 'know' something or anything at all – at least
not, he may add (rattling softly before disappearing), if that is the way you conceive 'knowledge'.
There
are a number of ways to handle this situation. The most common is to ignore it. Most people outside the academy
– and, indeed, most of us inside it – are unaware of or unperturbed by the philosophical scandal of
knowledge and go about our lives without too many epistemic anxieties. We hold our beliefs and presumptive
knowledges more or less confidently, usually depending on how we acquired them (I saw it with my own eyes; I heard
it on Fox News; a guy at the office told me) and how broadly and strenuously they seem to be shared or endorsed by
various relevant people: experts and authorities, friends and family members, colleagues and associates. And we
examine our convictions more or less closely, explain them more or less extensively, and defend them more or less
vigorously, usually depending on what seems to be at stake for ourselves and/or other people and what resources are
available for reassuring ourselves or making our beliefs credible to others (look, it's right here on the page; add
up the figures yourself; I happen to be a heart specialist).
The author of the passage is most likely to support which one of the following statements?
". . . we cannot catch a glimpse of things-in-themselves around the corner of our own eyes; we cannot form an idea of reality that floats above the processes of our conceiving it . . ." Which one of the following statements best reflects the argument being made in this sentence?
According to the last paragraph of the passage, "We hold our beliefs and presumptive knowledges more or less confidently, usually depending on" something. Which one of the following most broadly captures what we depend on?
The author discusses all of the following arguments in the passage, EXCEPT:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
It's easy
to forget that most of the world's languages are still transmitted orally with no widely established written form.
While speech communities are increasingly involved in projects to protect their languages – in print, on air
and online – orality is fragile and contributes to linguistic vulnerability. But indigenous languages are
about much more than unusual words and intriguing grammar: They function as vehicles for the transmission of
cultural traditions, environmental understandings and knowledge about medicinal plants, all at risk when elders die
and livelihoods are disrupted.
Both push and pull factors lead to the decline of languages. Through war,
famine and natural disasters, whole communities can be destroyed, taking their language with them to the grave, such
as the indigenous populations of Tasmania who were wiped out by colonists. More commonly, speakers live on but
abandon their language in favor of another vernacular, a widespread process that linguists refer to as "language
shift" from which few languages are immune. Such trading up and out of a speech form occurs for complex political,
cultural and economic reasons – sometimes voluntary for economic and educational reasons, although often
amplified by state coercion or neglect. Welsh, long stigmatized and disparaged by the British state, has rebounded
with vigor.
Many speakers of endangered, poorly documented languages have embraced new digital media with
excitement. Speakers of previously exclusively oral tongues are turning to the web as a virtual space for languages
to live on. Internet technology offers powerful ways for oral traditions and cultural practices to survive, even
thrive, among increasingly mobile communities. I have watched as videos of traditional wedding ceremonies and songs
are recorded on smartphones in London by Nepali migrants, then uploaded to YouTube and watched an hour later by
relatives in remote Himalayan villages . . .
Globalization is regularly, and often uncritically, pilloried
as a major threat to linguistic diversity. But in fact, globalization is as much process as it is ideology,
certainly when it comes to language. The real forces behind cultural homogenization are unbending beliefs, exchanged
through a globalized delivery system, reinforced by the historical monolingualism prevalent in much of the
West.
Monolingualism – the condition of being able to speak only one language – is regularly
accompanied by a deep-seated conviction in the value of that language over all others. Across the largest economies
that make up the G8, being monolingual is still often the norm, with multilingualism appearing unusual and even
somewhat exotic. The monolingual mindset stands in sharp contrast to the lived reality of most the world, which
throughout its history has been more multilingual than unilingual. Monolingualism, then, not globalization, should
be our primary concern.
Multilingualism can help us live in a more connected and more interdependent world.
By widening access to technology, globalization can support indigenous and scholarly communities engaged in
documenting and protecting our shared linguistic heritage. For the last 5,000 years, the rise and fall of languages
was intimately tied to the plow, sword and book. In our digital age, the keyboard, screen and web will play a
decisive role in shaping the future linguistic diversity of our species.
From the passage, we can infer that the author is in favour of:
The author lists all of the following as reasons for the decline or disappearance of a language EXCEPT:
The author mentions the Welsh language to show that:
We can infer all of the following about indigenous languages from the passage EXCEPT that:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
I have
elaborated . . . a framework for analyzing the contradictory pulls on [Indian] nationalist ideology in its struggle
against the dominance of colonialism and the resolution it offered to those contradictions. Briefly, this resolution
was built around a separation of the domain of culture into two spheres—the material and the spiritual. It was
in the material sphere that the claims of Western civilization were the most powerful. Science, technology, rational
forms of economic organization, modern methods of statecraft—these had given the European countries the
strength to subjugate the non-European people . . . To overcome this domination, the colonized people had to learn
those superior techniques of organizing material life and incorporate them within their own cultures. . . . But this
could not mean the imitation of the West in every aspect of life, for then the very distinction between the West and
the East would vanish—the self-identity of national culture would itself be threatened. . . .
The
discourse of nationalism shows that the material/spiritual distinction was condensed into an analogous, but
ideologically far more powerful, dichotomy: that between the outer and the inner. . . . Applying the inner/outer
distinction to the matter of concrete day-to-day living separates the social space into ghar and bahir, the home and
the world. The world is the external, the domain of the material; the home represents one's inner spiritual self,
one's true identity. The world is a treacherous terrain of the pursuit of material interests, where practical
considerations reign supreme. It is also typically the domain of the male. The home in its essence must remain
unaffected by the profane activities of the material world—and woman is its representation. And so one gets an
identification of social roles by gender to correspond with the separation of the social space into ghar and bahir.
. . .
The colonial situation, and the ideological response of nationalism to the critique of Indian
tradition, introduced an entirely new substance to [these dichotomies] and effected their transformation. The
material/spiritual dichotomy, to which the terms world and home corresponded, had acquired . . . a very special
significance in the nationalist mind. The world was where the European power had challenged the non-European peoples
and, by virtue of its superior material culture, had subjugated them. But, the nationalists asserted, it had failed
to colonize the inner, essential, identity of the East which lay in its distinctive, and superior, spiritual
culture. . . . [I]n the entire phase of the national struggle, the crucial need was to protect, preserve and
strengthen the inner core of the national culture, its spiritual essence. . . .
Once we match this new
meaning of the home/world dichotomy with the identification of social roles by gender, we get the ideological
framework within which nationalism answered the women's question. It would be a grave error to see in this, as
liberals are apt to in their despair at the many marks of social conservatism in nationalist practice, a total
rejection of the West. Quite the contrary: the nationalist paradigm in fact supplied an ideological principle of
selection.
Which one of the following, if true, would weaken the author's claims in the passage?
Which one of the following best describes the liberal perception of Indian nationalism?
On the basis of the information in the passage, all of the following are true about the spiritual/material dichotomy of Indian nationalism EXCEPT that it:
Which one of the following explains the "contradictory pulls" on Indian nationalism?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
Many people
believe that truth conveys power. . . . Hence sticking with the truth is the best strategy for gaining power.
Unfortunately, this is just a comforting myth. In fact, truth and power have a far more complicated relationship,
because in human society, power means two very different things.
On the one hand, power means having
the ability to manipulate objective realities: to hunt animals, to construct bridges, to cure diseases, to build
atom bombs. This kind of power is closely tied to truth. If you believe a false physical theory, you won't be able
to build an atom bomb. On the other hand, power also means having the ability to manipulate human beliefs, thereby
getting lots of people to cooperate effectively. Building atom bombs requires not just a good understanding of
physics, but also the coordinated labor of millions of humans. Planet Earth was conquered by Homo sapiens rather
than by chimpanzees or elephants, because we are the only mammals that can cooperate in very large numbers. And
large-scale cooperation depends on believing common stories. But these stories need not be true. You can unite
millions of people by making them believe in completely fictional stories about God, about race or about economics.
The dual nature of power and truth results in the curious fact that we humans know many more truths than any other
animal, but we also believe in much more nonsense. . . .
When it comes to uniting people around a common
story, fiction actually enjoys three inherent advantages over the truth. First, whereas the truth is universal,
fictions tend to be local. Consequently if we want to distinguish our tribe from foreigners, a fictional story will
serve as a far better identity marker than a true story. . . . The second huge advantage of fiction over truth has
to do with the handicap principle, which says that reliable signals must be costly to the signaler. Otherwise, they
can easily be faked by cheaters. . . . If political loyalty is signaled by believing a true story, anyone can fake
it. But believing ridiculous and outlandish stories exacts greater cost, and is therefore a better signal of
loyalty. . . . Third, and most important, the truth is often painful and disturbing. Hence if you stick to unalloyed
reality, few people will follow you. An American presidential candidate who tells the American public the truth, the
whole truth and nothing but the truth about American history has a 100 percent guarantee of losing the elections. .
. . An uncompromising adherence to the truth is an admirable spiritual practice, but it is not a winning political
strategy. . . .
Even if we need to pay some price for deactivating our rational faculties, the advantages of
increased social cohesion are often so big that fictional stories routinely triumph over the truth in human history.
Scholars have known this for thousands of years, which is why scholars often had to decide whether they served the
truth or social harmony. Should they aim to unite people by making sure everyone believes in the same fiction, or
should they let people know the truth even at the price of disunity?
Regarding which one of the following quotes could we argue that the author overemphasises the importance of fiction?
The central theme of the passage is about the choice between:
The author implies that, like scholars, successful leaders:
The author would support none of the following statements about political power EXCEPT that:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
Today we
can hardly conceive of ourselves without an unconscious. Yet between 1700 and 1900, this notion developed as a
genuinely original thought. The "unconscious" burst the shell of conventional language, coined as it had been to
embody the fleeting ideas and the shifting conceptions of several generations until, finally, it became fixed and
defined in specialized terms within the realm of medical psychology and Freudian psychoanalysis.
The
vocabulary concerning the soul and the mind increased enormously in the course of the nineteenth century. The
enrichments of literary and intellectual language led to an altered understanding of the meanings that underlie
time-honored expressions and traditional catchwords. At the same time, once coined, powerful new ideas attracted to
themselves a whole host of seemingly unrelated issues, practices, and experiences, creating a peculiar network of
preoccupations that as a group had not existed before. The drawn-out attempt to approach and define the unconscious
brought together the spiritualist and the psychical researcher of borderline phenomena (such as apparitions,
spectral illusions, haunted houses, mediums, trance, automatic writing); the psychiatrist or alienist probing the
nature of mental disease, of abnormal ideation, hallucination, delirium, melancholia, mania; the surgeon performing
operations with the aid of hypnotism; the magnetizer claiming to correct the disequilibrium in the universal flow of
magnetic fluids but who soon came to be regarded as a clever manipulator of the imagination; the physiologist and
the physician who puzzled over sleep, dreams, sleepwalking, anesthesia, the influence of the mind on the body in
health and disease; the neurologist concerned with the functions of the brain and the physiological basis of mental
life; the philosopher interested in the will, the emotions, consciousness, knowledge, imagination and the creative
genius; and, last but not least, the psychologist.
Significantly, most if not all of these practices (for
example, hypnotism in surgery or psychological magnetism) originated in the waning years of the eighteenth century
and during the early decades of the nineteenth century, as did some of the disciplines (such as psychology and
psychical research). The majority of topics too were either new or assumed hitherto unknown colors. Thus, before
1790, few if any spoke, in medical terms, of the affinity between creative genius and the hallucinations of the
insane . . .
Striving vaguely and independently to give expression to a latent conception, various lines of
thought can be brought together by some novel term. The new concept then serves as a kind of resting place or
stocktaking in the development of ideas, giving satisfaction and a stimulus for further discussion or speculation.
Thus, the massive introduction of the term unconscious by Hartmann in 1869 appeared to focalize many stray thoughts,
affording a temporary feeling that a crucial step had been taken forward, a comprehensive knowledge gained, a
knowledge that required only further elaboration, explication, and unfolding in order to bring in a bounty of higher
understanding. Ultimately, Hartmann's attempt at defining the unconscious proved fruitless because he extended its
reach into every realm of organic and inorganic, spiritual, intellectual, and instinctive existence, severely
diluting the precision and compromising the impact of the concept.
Which one of the following sets of words is closest to mapping the main arguments of the passage?
Which one of the following statements best describes what the passage is about?
"The enrichments of literary and intellectual language led to an altered understanding of the meanings that underlie time-honored expressions and traditional catchwords." Which one of the following interpretations of this sentence would be closest in meaning to the original?
All of the following statements may be considered valid inferences from the passage, EXCEPT:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
Keeping
time accurately comes with a price. The maximum accuracy of a clock is directly related to how much disorder, or
entropy, it creates every time it ticks. Natalia Ares at the University of Oxford and her colleagues made this
discovery using a tiny clock with an accuracy that can be controlled. The clock consists of a 50-nanometre-thick
membrane of silicon nitride, vibrated by an electric current. Each time the membrane moved up and down once and then
returned to its original position, the researchers counted a tick, and the regularity of the spacing between the
ticks represented the accuracy of the clock. The researchers found that as they increased the clock's accuracy, the
heat produced in the system grew, increasing the entropy of its surroundings by jostling nearby particles . . . "If
a clock is more accurate, you are paying for it somehow," says Ares. In this case, you pay for it by pouring more
ordered energy into the clock, which is then converted into entropy. "By measuring time, we are increasing the
entropy of the universe," says Ares. The more entropy there is in the universe, the closer it may be to its eventual
demise. "Maybe we should stop measuring time," says Ares. The scale of the additional entropy is so small, though,
that there is no need to worry about its effects, she says.
The increase in entropy in timekeeping may be
related to the "arrow of time", says Marcus Huber at the Austrian Academy of Sciences in Vienna, who was part of the
research team. It has been suggested that the reason that time only flows forward, not in reverse, is that the total
amount of entropy in the universe is constantly increasing, creating disorder that cannot be put in order
again.
The relationship that the researchers found is a limit on the accuracy of a clock, so it doesn't mean
that a clock that creates the most possible entropy would be maximally accurate - hence a large, inefficient
grandfather clock isn't more precise than an atomic clock. "It's a bit like fuel use in a car. Just because I'm
using more fuel doesn't mean that I'm going faster or further," says Huber.
When the researchers compared
their results with theoretical models developed for clocks that rely on quantum effects, they were surprised to find
that the relationship between accuracy and entropy seemed to be the same for both. . . . We can't be sure yet that
these results are actually universal, though, because there are many types of clocks for which the relationship
between accuracy and entropy haven't been tested. "It's still unclear how this principle plays out in real devices
such as atomic clocks, which push the ultimate quantum limits of accuracy," says Mark Mitchison at Trinity College
Dublin in Ireland. Understanding this relationship could be helpful for designing clocks in the future, particularly
those used in quantum computers and other devices where both accuracy and temperature are crucial, says Ares. This
finding could also help us understand more generally how the quantum world and the classical world are similar and
different in terms of thermodynamics and the passage of time.
"It's a bit like fuel use in a car. Just because I'm using more fuel doesn't mean that I'm going faster or further . . ." What is the purpose of this example?
The author makes all of the following arguments in the passage, EXCEPT that:
Which one of the following sets of words and phrases serves best as keywords of the passage?
None of the following statements can be inferred from the passage EXCEPT that:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
Starting in
1957, [Noam Chomsky] proclaimed a new doctrine: Language, that most human of all attributes, was innate. The
grammatical faculty was built into the infant brain, and your average 3-year-old was not a mere apprentice in the
great enterprise of absorbing English from his or her parents, but a "linguistic genius." Since this message was
couched in terms of Chomskyan theoretical linguistics, in discourse so opaque that it was nearly incomprehensible
even to some scholars, many people did not hear it. Now, in a brilliant, witty and altogether satisfying book, Mr.
Chomsky's colleague Steven Pinker . . . has brought Mr. Chomsky's findings to everyman. In "The Language Instinct"
he has gathered persuasive data from such diverse fields as cognitive neuroscience, developmental psychology and
speech therapy to make his points, and when he disagrees with Mr. Chomsky he tells you so. . . .
For Mr.
Chomsky and Mr. Pinker, somewhere in the human brain there is a complex set of neural circuits that have been
programmed with "super-rules" (making up what Mr. Chomsky calls "universal grammar"), and that these rules are
unconscious and instinctive. A half-century ago, this would have been pooh-poohed as a "black box" theory, since one
could not actually pinpoint this grammatical faculty in a specific part of the brain, or describe its functioning.
But now things are different. Neurosurgeons [have now found that this] "black box" is situated in and around Broca's
area, on the left side of the forebrain. . . .
Unlike Mr. Chomsky, Mr. Pinker firmly places the wiring of
the brain for language within the framework of Darwinian natural selection and evolution. He effectively disposes of
all claims that intelligent nonhuman primates like chimps have any abilities to learn and use language. It is not
that chimps lack the vocal apparatus to speak; it is just that their brains are unable to produce or use grammar. On
the other hand, the "language instinct," when it first appeared among our most distant hominid ancestors, must have
given them a selective reproductive advantage over their competitors (including the ancestral chimps). . . .
So according to Mr. Pinker, the roots of language must be in the genes, but there cannot be a "grammar gene" any
more than there can be a gene for the heart or any other complex body structure. This proposition will undoubtedly
raise the hackles of some behavioral psychologists and anthropologists, for it apparently contradicts the liberal
idea that human behavior may be changed for the better by improvements in culture and environment, and it might seem
to invite the twin bugaboos of biological determinism and racism. Yet Mr. Pinker stresses one point that should
allay such fears. Even though there are 4,000 to 6,000 languages today, they are all sufficiently alike to be
considered one language by an extraterrestrial observer. In other words, most of the diversity of the world's
cultures, so beloved to anthropologists, is superficial and minor compared to the similarities. Racial differences
are literally only "skin deep." The fundamental unity of humanity is the theme of Mr. Chomsky's universal grammar,
and of this exciting book.
Which one of the following statements best summarises the author's position about Pinker's book?
According to the passage, all of the following are true about the language instinct EXCEPT that:
From the passage, it can be inferred that all of the following are true about Pinker's book, "The Language Instinct", EXCEPT that Pinker:
On the basis of the information in the passage, Pinker and Chomsky may disagree with each other on which one of the following points?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
Back in the
early 2000s, an awesome thing happened in the New X-Men comics. Our mutant heroes had been battling giant robots
called Sentinels for years, but suddenly these mechanical overlords spawned a new threat: Nano-Sentinels! Not
content to rule Earth with their metal fists, these tiny robots invaded our bodies at the microscopic level.
Infected humans were slowly converted into machines, cell by cell.
Now, a new wave of extremely odd robots
is making at least part of the Nano-Sentinels story come true. Using exotic fabrication materials like squishy
hydrogels and elastic polymers, researchers are making autonomous devices that are often tiny and that could turn
out to be more powerful than an army of Terminators. Some are 1-centimetre blobs that can skate over water. Others
are flat sheets that can roll themselves into tubes, or matchstick-sized plastic coils that act as powerful muscles.
No, they won't be invading our bodies and turning us into Sentinels - which I personally find a little disappointing
- but some of them could one day swim through our bloodstream to heal us. They could also clean up pollutants in
water or fold themselves into different kinds of vehicles for us to drive. . . .
Unlike a traditional
robot, which is made of mechanical parts, these new kinds of robots are made from molecular parts. The principle is
the same: both are devices that can move around and do things independently. But a robot made from smart materials
might be nothing more than a pink drop of hydrogel. Instead of gears and wires, it's assembled from two kinds of
molecules - some that love water and some that avoid it - which interact to allow the bot to skate on top of a
pond.
Sometimes these materials are used to enhance more conventional robots. One team of researchers, for
example, has developed a different kind of hydrogel that becomes sticky when exposed to a low-voltage zap of
electricity and then stops being sticky when the electricity is switched off. This putty-like gel can be pasted
right onto the feet or wheels of a robot. When the robot wants to climb a sheer wall or scoot across the ceiling, it
can activate its sticky feet with a few volts. Once it is back on a flat surface again, the robot turns off the
adhesive like a light switch.
Robots that are wholly or partly made of gloop aren't the future that I was
promised in science fiction. But it's definitely the future I want. I'm especially keen on the nanometre-scale "soft
robots" that could one day swim through our bodies. Metin Sitti, a director at the Max Planck Institute for
Intelligent Systems in Germany, worked with colleagues to prototype these tiny, synthetic beasts using various
stretchy materials, such as simple rubber, and seeding them with magnetic microparticles. They are assembled into a
finished shape by applying magnetic fields. The results look like flowers or geometric shapes made from Tinkertoy
ball and stick modelling kits. They're guided through tubes of fluid using magnets, and can even stop and cling to
the sides of a tube.
Which one of the following statements best summarises the central point of the passage?
Which one of the following statements best captures the sense of the first paragraph?
Which one of the following scenarios, if false, could be seen as supporting the passage?
Which one of the following statements, if true, would be the most direct extension of the arguments in the passage?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
The word ‘anarchy’ comes from the Greek anarkhia, meaning contrary to authority or without a ruler, and
was used in a derogatory sense until 1840, when it was adopted by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon to describe his political
and social ideology. Proudhon argued that organization without government was both possible and desirable. In the
evolution of political ideas, anarchism can be seen as an ultimate projection of both liberalism and socialism, and
the differing strands of anarchist thought can be related to their emphasis on one or the other of
these.
Historically, anarchism arose not only as an explanation of the gulf between the rich and the poor in any community,
and of the reason why the poor have been obliged to fight for their share of a common inheritance, but as a radical
answer to the question ‘What went wrong?’ that followed the ultimate outcome of the French Revolution.
It had ended not only with a reign of terror and the emergence of a newly rich ruling caste, but with a new adored
emperor, Napoleon Bonaparte, strutting through his conquered territories.
The anarchists and their precursors were unique on the political Left in affirming that workers and peasants,
grasping the chance that arose to bring an end to centuries of exploitation and tyranny, were inevitably betrayed by
the new class of politicians, whose first priority was to re-establish a centralized state power. After every
revolutionary uprising, usually won at a heavy cost for ordinary populations, the new rulers had no hesitation in
applying violence and terror, a secret police, and a professional army to maintain their control.
For anarchists the state itself is the enemy, and they have applied the same interpretation to the outcome of every
revolution of the 19th and 20th centuries. This is not merely because every state keeps a watchful and sometimes
punitive eye on its dissidents, but because every state protects the privileges of the powerful.
The mainstream of anarchist propaganda for more than a century has been anarchist-communism, which argues that
property in land, natural resources, and the means of production should be held in mutual control by local
communities, federating for innumerable joint purposes with other communes. It differs from state socialism in
opposing the concept of any central authority. Some anarchists prefer to distinguish between anarchist-communism and
collectivist anarchism in order to stress the obviously desirable freedom of an individual or family to possess the
resources needed for living, while not implying the right to own the resources needed by others. . . .
There are, unsurprisingly, several traditions of individualist anarchism, one of them deriving from the
‘conscious egoism’ of the German writer Max Stirner (1806–56), and another from a remarkable
series of 19th-century American figures who argued that in protecting our own autonomy and associating with others
for common advantages, we are promoting the good of all. These thinkers differed from free-market liberals in their
absolute mistrust of American capitalism, and in their emphasis on mutualism.
Which one of the following best expresses the similarity between American individualist anarchists and free-market liberals as well as the difference between the former and the latter?
The author makes all of the following arguments in the passage, EXCEPT:
According to the passage, what is the one idea that is common to all forms of anarchism?
The author believes that the new ruling class of politicians betrayed the principles of the French Revolution, but does not specify in what way. In the context of the passage, which statement below is the likeliest explanation of that betrayal?
Of the following sets of concepts, identify the set that is conceptually closest to the concerns of the passage.
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
In the late 1960s, while studying the northern-elephant-seal population along the coasts of Mexico and California,
Burney Le Boeuf and his colleagues couldn’t help but notice that the threat calls of males at some sites
sounded different from those of males at other sites. . . . That was the first time dialects were documented in a
nonhuman mammal. . . .
All the northern elephant seals that exist today are descendants of the small herd that survived on Isla Guadalupe
[after the near extinction of the species in the nineteenth century]. As that tiny population grew, northern
elephant seals started to recolonize former breeding locations. It was precisely on the more recently colonized
islands where Le Boeuf found that the tempos of the male vocal displays showed stronger differences to the ones from
Isla Guadalupe, the founder colony.
In order to test the reliability of these dialects over time, Le Boeuf and other researchers visited Año
Nuevo Island in California—the island where males showed the slowest pulse rates in their calls—every
winter from 1968 to 1972. “What we found is that the pulse rate increased, but it still remained relatively
slow compared to the other colonies we had measured in the past” Le Boeuf told me.
At the individual level, the pulse of the calls stayed the same: A male would maintain his vocal signature
throughout his lifetime. But the average pulse rate was changing. Immigration could have been responsible for this
increase, as in the early 1970s, 43 percent of the males on Año Nuevo had come from southern rookeries that
had a faster pulse rate. This led Le Boeuf and his collaborator, Lewis Petrinovich, to deduce that the dialects
were, perhaps, a result of isolation over time, after the breeding sites had been recolonized. For instance, the
first settlers of Año Nuevo could have had, by chance, calls with low pulse rates. At other sites, where the
scientists found faster pulse rates, the opposite would have happened—seals with faster rates would have
happened to arrive first.
As the population continued to expand and the islands kept on receiving immigrants from the original population, the
calls in all locations would have eventually regressed to the average pulse rate of the founder colony. In the
decades that followed, scientists noticed that the geographical variations reported in 1969 were not obvious
anymore. . . . In the early 2010s, while studying northern elephant seals on Año Nuevo Island, [researcher
Caroline] Casey noticed, too, that what Le Boeuf had heard decades ago was not what she heard now. . . . By
performing more sophisticated statistical analyses on both sets of data, [Casey and Le Boeuf] confirmed that
dialects existed back then but had vanished. Yet there are other differences between the males from the late 1960s
and their great-great-grandsons: Modern males exhibit more individual diversity, and their calls are more complex.
While 50 years ago the drumming pattern was quite simple and the dialects denoted just a change in tempo, Casey
explained, the calls recorded today have more complex structures, sometimes featuring doublets or triplets. . . .
Which one of the following conditions, if true, could have ensured that male northern elephant seal dialects did not disappear?
All of the following can be inferred from Le Boeuf’s study as described in the passage EXCEPT that:
Which one of the following best sums up the overall history of transformation of male northern elephant seal calls?
From the passage it can be inferred that the call pulse rate of male northern elephant seals in the southern rookeries was faster because:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
Few realise that the government of China, governing an empire of some 60 million people during the Tang dynasty
(618–907), implemented a complex financial system that recognised grain, coins and textiles as money. . . .
Coins did have certain advantages: they were durable, recognisable and provided a convenient medium of exchange,
especially for smaller transactions. However, there were also disadvantages. A continuing shortage of copper meant
that government mints could not produce enough coins for the entire empire, to the extent that for most of the
dynasty’s history, coins constituted only a tenth of the money supply. One of the main objections to calls for
taxes to be paid in coin was that peasant producers who could weave cloth or grow grain – the other two major
currencies of the Tang – would not be able to produce coins, and therefore would not be able to pay their
taxes. . . .
As coins had advantages and disadvantages, so too did textiles. If in circulation for a long period of time, they
could show signs of wear and tear. Stained, faded and torn bolts of textiles had less value than a brand new bolt.
Furthermore, a full bolt had a particular value. If consumers cut textiles into smaller pieces to buy or sell
something worth less than a full bolt, that, too, greatly lessened the value of the textiles. Unlike coins, textiles
could not be used for small transactions; as [an official] noted, textiles could not “be exchanged by the foot
and the inch” . . .
But textiles had some advantages over coins. For a start, textile production was widespread and there were fewer
problems with the supply of textiles. For large transactions, textiles weighed less than their equivalent in coins
since a string of coins . . . could weigh as much as 4 kg. Furthermore, the dimensions of a bolt of silk held
remarkably steady from the third to the tenth century: 56 cm wide and 12 m long . . . The values of different
textiles were also more stable than the fluctuating values of coins. . . .
The government also required the use of textiles for large transactions. Coins, on the other hand, were better
suited for smaller transactions, and possibly, given the costs of transporting coins, for a more local usage. Grain,
because it rotted easily, was not used nearly as much as coins and textiles, but taxpayers were required to pay
grain to the government as a share of their annual tax obligations, and official salaries were expressed in weights
of grain. . . .
In actuality, our own currency system today has some similarities even as it is changing in front of our eyes. . . .
We have cash – coins for small transactions like paying for parking at a meter, and banknotes for other items;
cheques and debit/credit cards for other, often larger, types of payments. At the same time, we are shifting to
electronic banking and making payments online. Some young people never use cash [and] do not know how to write a
cheque . . .
In the context of the passage, which one of the following can be inferred with regard to the use of currency during the Tang era?
According to the passage, the modern currency system shares all the following features with that of the Tang, EXCEPT that:
When discussing textiles as currency in the Tang period, the author uses the words “steady” and “stable” to indicate all of the following EXCEPT:
During the Tang period, which one of the following would not be an economically sound decision for a small purchase in the local market that is worth one-eighth of a bolt of cloth?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
Vocabulary used in speech or writing organizes itself in seven parts of speech (eight, if you count interjections
such as Oh! and Gosh! and Fuhgeddaboudit!). Communication composed of these parts of speech must be organized by
rules of grammar upon which we agree. When these rules break down, confusion and misunderstanding result. Bad
grammar produces bad sentences. My favorite example from Strunk and White is this one: “As a mother of five,
with another one on the way, my ironing board is always up.”
Nouns and verbs are the two indispensable parts of writing. Without one of each, no group of words can be a
sentence, since a sentence is, by definition, a group of words containing a subject (noun) and a predicate (verb);
these strings of words begin with a capital letter, end with a period, and combine to make a complete thought which
starts in the writer’s head and then leaps to the reader’s.
Must you write complete sentences each time, every time? Perish the thought. If your work consists only of fragments
and floating clauses, the Grammar Police aren’t going to come and take you away. Even William Strunk, that
Mussolini of rhetoric, recognized the delicious pliability of language. “It is an old observation,” he
writes, “that the best writers sometimes disregard the rules of rhetoric.” Yet he goes on to add this
thought, which I urge you to consider: “Unless he is certain of doing well, [the writer] will probably do best
to follow the rules.”
The telling clause here is Unless he is certain of doing well. If you don’t have a rudimentary grasp of how
the parts of speech translate into coherent sentences, how can you be certain that you are doing well? How will you
know if you’re doing ill, for that matter? The answer, of course, is that you can’t, you won’t.
One who does grasp the rudiments of grammar finds a comforting simplicity at its heart, where there need be only
nouns, the words that name, and verbs, the words that act.
Take any noun, put it with any verb, and you have a sentence. It never fails. Rocks explode. Jane transmits.
Mountains float. These are all perfect sentences. Many such thoughts make little rational sense, but even the
stranger ones (Plums deify!) have a kind of poetic weight that’s nice. The simplicity of noun-verb
construction is useful—at the very least it can provide a safety net for your writing. Strunk and White
caution against too many simple sentences in a row, but simple sentences provide a path you can follow when you fear
getting lost in the tangles of rhetoric—all those restrictive and nonrestrictive clauses, those modifying
phrases, those appositives and compound-complex sentences. If you start to freak out at the sight of such unmapped
territory (unmapped by you, at least), just remind yourself that rocks explode, Jane transmits, mountains float, and
plums deify. Grammar is . . . the pole you grab to get your thoughts up on their feet and walking.
Which one of the following quotes best captures the main concern of the passage?
Which one of the following statements, if false, could be seen as supporting the arguments in the passage?
All of the following statements can be inferred from the passage EXCEPT that:
“Take any noun, put it with any verb, and you have a sentence. It never fails. Rocks explode. Jane transmits. Mountains float.” None of the following statements can be seen as similar EXCEPT:
Inferring from the passage, the author could be most supportive of which one of the following practices?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
The claims advanced here may be condensed into two assertions: [first, that visual] culture is what images, acts of
seeing, and attendant intellectual, emotional, and perceptual sensibilities do to build, maintain, or transform the
worlds in which people live. [And second, that the] study of visual culture is the analysis and interpretation of
images and the ways of seeing (or gazes) that configure the agents, practices, conceptualities, and institutions
that put images to work. . . .
Accordingly, the study of visual culture should be characterized by several concerns. First, scholars of visual
culture need to examine any and all imagery – high and low, art and nonart. . . . They must not restrict
themselves to objects of a particular beauty or aesthetic value. Indeed, any kind of imagery may be found to offer
up evidence of the visual construction of reality. . . .
Second, the study of visual culture must scrutinize visual practice as much as images themselves, asking what images
do when they are put to use. If scholars engaged in this enterprise inquire what makes an image beautiful or why
this image or that constitutes a masterpiece or a work of genius, they should do so with the purpose of
investigating an artist’s or a work’s contribution to the experience of beauty, taste, value, or genius.
No amount of social analysis can account fully for the existence of Michelangelo or Leonardo. They were unique
creators of images that changed the way their contemporaries thought and felt and have continued to shape the
history of art, artists, museums, feeling, and aesthetic value. But study of the critical, artistic, and popular
reception of works by such artists as Michelangelo and Leonardo can shed important light on the meaning of these
artists and their works for many different people. And the history of meaning-making has a great deal to do with how
scholars as well as lay audiences today understand these artists and their achievements.
Third, scholars studying visual culture might properly focus their interpretative work on lifeworlds by examining
images, practices, visual technologies, taste, and artistic style as constitutive of social relations. The task is
to understand how artifacts contribute to the construction of a world. . . . Important methodological implications
follow: ethnography and reception studies become productive forms of gathering information, since these move beyond
the image as a closed and fixed meaning-event. . . .
Fourth, scholars may learn a great deal when they scrutinize the constituents of vision, that is, the structures of
perception as a physiological process as well as the epistemological frameworks informing a system of visual
representation. Vision is a socially and a biologically constructed operation, depending on the design of the human
body and how it engages the interpretive devices developed by a culture in order to see intelligibly. . . . Seeing .
. . operates on the foundation of covenants with images that establish the conditions for meaningful visual
experience.
Finally, the scholar of visual culture seeks to regard images as evidence for explanation, not as epiphenomena.
Which one of the following best describes the word “epiphenomena” in the last sentence of the passage?
All of the following statements may be considered valid inferences from the passage, EXCEPT:
“No amount of social analysis can account fully for the existence of Michelangelo or Leonardo.” In light of the passage, which one of the following interpretations of this sentence is the most accurate?
“Seeing . . . operates on the foundation of covenants with images that establish the conditions for meaningful visual experience.” In light of the passage, which one of the following statements best conveys the meaning of this sentence?
Which set of keywords below most closely captures the arguments of the passage?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
174 incidents of piracy were reported to the International Maritime Bureau last year, with Somali pirates
responsible for only three. The rest ranged from the discreet theft of coils of rope in the Yellow Sea to the
notoriously ferocious Nigerian gunmen attacking and hijacking oil tankers in the Gulf of Guinea, as well as armed
robbery off Singapore and the Venezuelan coast and kidnapping in the Sundarbans in the Bay of Bengal. For [Dr.
Peter] Lehr, an expert on modern-day piracy, the phenomenon’s history should be a source of instruction rather
than entertainment, piracy past offering lessons for piracy present. . . .
But . . . where does piracy begin or end? According to St Augustine, a corsair captain once told Alexander the Great
that in the forceful acquisition of power and wealth at sea, the difference between an emperor and a pirate was
simply one of scale. By this logic, European empire-builders were the most successful pirates of all time. A more
eclectic history might have included the conquistadors, Vasco da Gama and the East India Company. But Lehr sticks to
the disorganised small fry, making comparisons with the renegades of today possible.
The main motive for piracy has always been a combination of need and greed. Why toil away as a starving peasant in
the 16th century when a successful pirate made up to £4,000 on each raid? Anyone could turn to freebooting if
the rewards were worth the risk . . . .
Increased globalisation has done more to encourage piracy than suppress it. European colonialism weakened delicate
balances of power, leading to an influx of opportunists on the high seas. A rise in global shipping has meant rich
pickings for freebooters. Lehr writes: “It quickly becomes clear that in those parts of the world that have
not profited from globalisation and modernisation, and where abject poverty and the daily struggle for survival are
still a reality, the root causes of piracy are still the same as they were a couple of hundred years ago.” . .
.
Modern pirate prevention has failed. After the French yacht Le Gonant was ransomed for $2 million in 2008,
opportunists from all over Somalia flocked to the coast for a piece of the action. . . . A consistent rule, even
today, is there are never enough warships to patrol pirate-infested waters. Such ships are costly and only solve the
problem temporarily; Somali piracy is bound to return as soon as the warships are withdrawn. Robot shipping,
eliminating hostages, has been proposed as a possible solution; but as Lehr points out, this will only make pirates
switch their targets to smaller carriers unable to afford the technology.
His advice isn’t new. Proposals to end illegal fishing are often advanced but they are difficult to enforce.
Investment in local welfare put a halt to Malaysian piracy in the 1970s, but was dependent on money somehow
filtering through a corrupt bureaucracy to the poor on the periphery. Diplomatic initiatives against piracy are
plagued by mutual distrust: the Russians execute pirates, while the EU and US are reluctant to capture them for fear
they’ll claim asylum.
“A more eclectic history might have included the conquistadors, Vasco da Gama and the East India Company. But Lehr sticks to the disorganised small fry . . .” From this statement we can infer that the author believes that:
We can deduce that the author believes that piracy can best be controlled in the long run:
“Why toil away as a starving peasant in the 16th century when a successful pirate made up to £4,000 on each raid?” In this sentence, the author’s tone can best be described as being:
The author ascribes the rise in piracy today to all of the following factors EXCEPT:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
In a low-carbon world, renewable energy technologies are hot business. For investors looking to redirect funds, wind
turbines and solar panels, among other technologies, seem a straightforward choice. But renewables need to be
further scrutinized before being championed as forging a path toward a low-carbon future. Both the direct and
indirect impacts of renewable energy must be examined to ensure that a climate-smart future does not intensify
social and environmental harm. As renewable energy production requires land, water, and labor, among other inputs,
it imposes costs on people and the environment. Hydropower projects, for instance, have led to community
dispossession and exclusion . . . Renewable energy supply chains are also intertwined with mining, and their
technologies contribute to growing levels of electronic waste . . . Furthermore, although renewable energy can be
produced and distributed through small-scale, local systems, such an approach might not generate the high returns on
investment needed to attract capital.
Although an emerging sector, renewables are enmeshed in long-standing resource extraction through their dependence
on minerals and metals . . . Scholars document the negative consequences of mining . . . even for mining operations
that commit to socially responsible practices[:] “many of the world’s largest reservoirs of minerals
like cobalt, copper, lithium, [and] rare earth minerals”—the ones needed for renewable
technologies—“are found in fragile states and under communities of marginalized peoples in Africa, Asia,
and Latin America.” Since the demand for metals and minerals will increase substantially in a
renewable-powered future . . . this intensification could exacerbate the existing consequences of extractive
activities.
Among the connections between climate change and waste, O’Neill . . . highlights that “devices developed
to reduce our carbon footprint, such as lithium batteries for hybrid and electric cars or solar panels[,] become
potentially dangerous electronic waste at the end of their productive life.” The disposal of toxic waste has
long perpetuated social injustice through the flows of waste to the Global South and to marginalized communities in
the Global North . . .
While renewable energy is a more recent addition to financial portfolios, investments in the sector must be
considered in light of our understanding of capital accumulation. As agricultural finance reveals, the concentration
of control of corporate activity facilitates profit generation. For some climate activists, the promise of
renewables rests on their ability not only to reduce emissions but also to provide distributed, democratized access
to energy . . . But Burke and Stephens . . . caution that “renewable energy systems offer a possibility but
not a certainty for more democratic energy futures.” Small-scale, distributed forms of energy are only highly
profitable to institutional investors if control is consolidated somewhere in the financial chain. Renewable energy
can be produced at the household or neighborhood level. However, such small-scale, localized production is unlikely
to generate high returns for investors. For financial growth to be sustained and expanded by the renewable sector,
production and trade in renewable energy technologies will need to be highly concentrated, and large asset
management firms will likely drive those developments.
All of the following statements, if true, could be seen as supporting the arguments in the passage, EXCEPT:
Which one of the following statements, if false, could be seen as best supporting the arguments in the passage?
Which one of the following statements, if true, could be an accurate inference from the first paragraph of the passage?
Which one of the following statements best captures the main argument of the last paragraph of the passage?
Based on the passage, we can infer that the author would be most supportive of which one of the following practices?
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
Aggression is any behavior that is directed toward injuring, harming, or inflicting pain on another living being or
group of beings. Generally, the victim(s) of aggression must wish to avoid such behavior in order for it to be
considered true aggression. Aggression is also categorized according to its ultimate intent. Hostile aggression is
an aggressive act that results from anger, and is intended to inflict pain or injury because of that anger.
Instrumental aggression is an aggressive act that is regarded as a means to an end other than pain or injury. For
example, an enemy combatant may be subjected to torture in order to extract useful intelligence, though those
inflicting the torture may have no real feelings of anger or animosity toward their subject. The concept of
aggression is very broad, and includes many categories of behavior (e.g., verbal aggression, street crime, child
abuse, spouse abuse, group conflict, war, etc.). A number of theories and models of aggression have arisen to
explain these diverse forms of behavior, and these theories/models tend to be categorized according to their
specific focus. The most common system of categorization groups the various approaches to aggression into three
separate areas, based upon the three key variables that are present whenever any aggressive act or set of acts is
committed. The first variable is the aggressor him/herself. The second is the social situation or circumstance in
which the aggressive act(s) occur. The third variable is the target or victim of aggression.
Regarding theories and research on the aggressor, the fundamental focus is on the factors that lead an individual
(or group) to commit aggressive acts. At the most basic level, some argue that aggressive urges and actions are the
result of inborn, biological factors. Sigmund Freud (1930) proposed that all individuals are born with a death
instinct that predisposes us to a variety of aggressive behaviors, including suicide (self directed aggression) and
mental illness (possibly due to an unhealthy or unnatural suppression of aggressive urges). Other influential
perspectives supporting a biological basis for aggression conclude that humans evolved with an abnormally low neural
inhibition of aggressive impulses (in comparison to other species), and that humans possess a powerful instinct for
property accumulation and territorialism. It is proposed that this instinct accounts for hostile behaviors ranging
from minor street crime to world wars. Hormonal factors also appear to play a significant role in fostering
aggressive tendencies. For example, the hormone testosterone has been shown to increase aggressive behaviors when
injected into animals. Men and women convicted of violent crimes also possess significantly higher levels of
testosterone than men and women convicted of non violent crimes. Numerous studies comparing different age groups,
racial/ethnic groups, and cultures also indicate that men, overall, are more likely to engage in a variety of
aggressive behaviors (e.g., sexual assault, aggravated assault, etc.) than women. One explanation for higher levels
of aggression in men is based on the assumption that, on average, men have higher levels of testosterone than women.
“[A]n enemy combatant may be subjected to torture in order to extract useful intelligence, though those inflicting the torture may have no real feelings of anger or animosity toward their subject.” Which one of the following best explicates the larger point being made by the author here?
All of the following statements can be seen as logically implied by the arguments of the passage EXCEPT:
The author identifies three essential factors according to which theories of aggression are most commonly categorised. Which of the following options is closest to the factors identified by the author?
The author discusses all of the following arguments in the passage EXCEPT that:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
Mode of transportation affects the travel experience and thus can produce new types of travel writing and perhaps
even new “identities.” Modes of transportation determine the types and duration of social encounters;
affect the organization and passage of space and time; . . . and also affect perception and knowledge—how and
what the traveler comes to know and write about. The completion of the first U.S. transcontinental highway during
the 1920s . . . for example, inaugurated a new genre of travel literature about the United States—the
automotive or road narrative. Such narratives highlight the experiences of mostly male protagonists
“discovering themselves” on their journeys, emphasizing the independence of road travel and the value of
rural folk traditions.
Travel writing’s relationship to empire building— as a type of “colonialist
discourse”—has drawn the most attention from academicians. Close connections have been observed between
European (and American) political, economic, and administrative goals for the colonies and their manifestations in
the cultural practice of writing travel books. Travel writers’ descriptions of foreign places have been
analyzed as attempts to validate, promote, or challenge the ideologies and practices of colonial or imperial
domination and expansion. Mary Louise Pratt’s study of the genres and conventions of 18th- and 19th-century
exploration narratives about South America and Africa (e.g., the “monarch of all I survey” trope)
offered ways of thinking about travel writing as embedded within relations of power between metropole and periphery,
as did Edward Said’s theories of representation and cultural imperialism. Particularly Said’s book,
Orientalism, helped scholars understand ways in which representations of people in travel texts were
intimately bound up with notions of self, in this case, that the Occident defined itself through essentialist,
ethnocentric, and racist representations of the Orient. Said’s work became a model for demonstrating cultural
forms of imperialism in travel texts, showing how the political, economic, or administrative fact of dominance
relies on legitimating discourses such as those articulated through travel writing. . . .
Feminist geographers’ studies of travel writing challenge the masculinist history of geography by questioning
who and what are relevant subjects of geographic study and, indeed, what counts as geographic knowledge itself. Such
questions are worked through ideological constructs that posit men as explorers and women as travelers—or,
conversely, men as travelers and women as tied to the home. Studies of Victorian women who were professional travel
writers, tourists, wives of colonial administrators, and other (mostly) elite women who wrote narratives about their
experiences abroad during the 19th century have been particularly revealing. From a “liberal” feminist
perspective, travel presented one means toward female liberation for middle- and upper-class Victorian women. Many
studies from the 1970s onward demonstrated the ways in which women’s gendered identities were negotiated
differently “at home” than they were “away,” thereby showing women’s self-development
through travel. The more recent poststructural turn in studies of Victorian travel writing has focused attention on
women’s diverse and fragmented identities as they narrated their travel experiences, emphasizing women’s
sense of themselves as women in new locations, but only as they worked through their ties to nation, class,
whiteness, and colonial and imperial power structures.
From the passage, we can infer that feminist scholars’ understanding of the experiences of Victorian women travellers is influenced by all of the following EXCEPT scholars':
From the passage, we can infer that travel writing is most similar to:
From the passage, it can be inferred that scholars argue that Victorian women experienced self-development through their travels because:
American travel literature of the 1920s:
According to the passage, Said’s book, “Orientalism”:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
Although one of the most contested concepts in political philosophy, human nature is something on which most people
seem to agree. By and large, according to Rutger Bregman in his new book Humankind, we have a rather pessimistic
view – not of ourselves exactly, but of everyone else. We see other people as selfish, untrustworthy and
dangerous and therefore we behave towards them with defensiveness and suspicion. This was how the 17th-century
philosopher Thomas Hobbes conceived our natural state to be, believing that all that stood between us and violent
anarchy was a strong state and firm leadership.
But in following Hobbes, argues Bregman, we ensure that the negative view we have of human nature is reflected back
at us. He instead puts his faith in Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the 18th-century French thinker, who famously declared
that man was born free and it was civilisation – with its coercive powers, social classes and restrictive laws
– that put him in chains.
Hobbes and Rousseau are seen as the two poles of the human nature argument and it’s no surprise that Bregman
strongly sides with the Frenchman. He takes Rousseau’s intuition and paints a picture of a prelapsarian idyll
in which, for the better part of 300,000 years, Homo sapiens lived a fulfilling life in harmony with nature . . .
Then we discovered agriculture and for the next 10,000 years it was all property, war, greed and injustice. . .
.
It was abandoning our nomadic lifestyle and then domesticating animals, says Bregman, that brought about infectious
diseases such as measles, smallpox, tuberculosis, syphilis, malaria, cholera and plague. This may be true, but what
Bregman never really seems to get to grips with is that pathogens were not the only things that grew with
agriculture – so did the number of humans. It’s one thing to maintain friendly relations and a
property-less mode of living when you’re 30 or 40 hunter-gatherers following the food. But life becomes a
great deal more complex and knowledge far more extensive when there are settlements of many thousands.
“Civilisation has become synonymous with peace and progress and wilderness with war and decline,” writes
Bregman. “In reality, for most of human existence, it was the other way around.” Whereas traditional
history depicts the collapse of civilisations as “dark ages” in which everything gets worse, modern
scholars, he claims, see them more as a reprieve, in which the enslaved gain their freedom and culture flourishes.
Like much else in this book, the truth is probably somewhere between the two stated positions.
In any case, the fear of civilisational collapse, Bregman believes, is unfounded. It’s the result of what the
Dutch biologist Frans de Waal calls “veneer theory” – the idea that just below the surface, our
bestial nature is waiting to break out. . . . There’s a great deal of reassuring human decency to be taken
from this bold and thought-provoking book and a wealth of evidence in support of the contention that the sense of
who we are as a species has been deleteriously distorted. But it seems equally misleading to offer the false choice
of Rousseau and Hobbes when, clearly, humanity encompasses both.
The author has differing views from Bregman regarding:
According to the passage, the “collapse of civilisations” is viewed by Bregman as:
None of the following views is expressed in the passage EXCEPT that:
According to the author, the main reason why Bregman contrasts life in pre-agricultural societies with agricultural societies is to:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
[There is] a curious new reality: Human contact is becoming a luxury good. As more screens appear in the lives of
the poor, screens are disappearing from the lives of the rich. The richer you are, the more you spend to be
off-screen. . . .
The joy — at least at first — of the internet revolution was its democratic nature. Facebook is the same
Facebook whether you are rich or poor. Gmail is the same Gmail. And it’s all free. There is something mass
market and unappealing about that. And as studies show that time on these advertisement-support platforms is
unhealthy, it all starts to seem déclassé, like drinking soda or smoking cigarettes, which wealthy
people do less than poor people. The wealthy can afford to opt out of having their data and their attention
sold as a product. The poor and middle class don’t have the same kind of resources to make that happen.
Screen exposure starts young. And children who spent more than two hours a day looking at a screen got lower scores
on thinking and language tests, according to early results of a landmark study on brain development of more than
11,000 children that the National Institutes of Health is supporting. Most disturbingly, the study is finding that
the brains of children who spend a lot of time on screens are different. For some kids, there is premature thinning
of their cerebral cortex. In adults, one study found an association between screen time and depression. . . .
Tech companies worked hard to get public schools to buy into programs that required schools to have one laptop per
student, arguing that it would better prepare children for their screen-based future. But this idea isn’t how
the people who actually build the screen-based future raise their own children. In Silicon Valley, time on screens
is increasingly seen as unhealthy. Here, the popular elementary school is the local Waldorf School, which promises a
back-to-nature, nearly screen-free education. So as wealthy kids are growing up with less screen time, poor kids are
growing up with more. How comfortable someone is with human engagement could become a new class marker.
Human contact is, of course, not exactly like organic food . . . . But with screen time, there has been a concerted
effort on the part of Silicon Valley behemoths to confuse the public. The poor and the middle class are told that
screens are good and important for them and their children. There are fleets of psychologists and neuroscientists on
staff at big tech companies working to hook eyes and minds to the screen as fast as possible and for as long as
possible. And so human contact is rare. . . .
There is a small movement to pass a “right to disconnect” bill, which would allow workers to turn their
phones off, but for now a worker can be punished for going offline and not being available. There is also the
reality that in our culture of increasing isolation, in which so many of the traditional gathering places and social
structures have disappeared, screens are filling a crucial void.
Which of the following statements about the negative effects of screen time is the author least likely to endorse?
The statement “The richer you are, the more you spend to be off-screen” is supported by which other line from the passage?
The author is least likely to agree with the view that the increase in screen-time is fuelled by the fact that:
The author claims that Silicon Valley tech companies have tried to “confuse the public” by:
The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each
question.
I’ve been following the economic crisis for more than two years now. I began working on the subject as part of
the background to a novel, and soon realized that I had stumbled across the most interesting story I’ve ever
found. While I was beginning to work on it, the British bank Northern Rock blew up, and it became clear that, as I
wrote at the time, “If our laws are not extended to control the new kinds of super-powerful, super-complex,
and potentially super-risky investment vehicles, they will one day cause a financial disaster of global-systemic
proportions.” . . . I was both right and too late, because all the groundwork for the crisis had already been
done—though the sluggishness of the world’s governments, in not preparing for the great unraveling of
autumn 2008, was then and still is stupefying. But this is the first reason why I wrote this book: because
what’s happened is extraordinarily interesting. It is an absolutely amazing story, full of human interest and
drama, one whose byways of mathematics, economics, and psychology are both central to the story of the last decades
and mysteriously unknown to the general public. We have heard a lot about “the two cultures” of science
and the arts—we heard a particularly large amount about it in 2009, because it was the fiftieth anniversary of
the speech during which C. P. Snow first used the phrase. But I’m not sure the idea of a huge gap between
science and the arts is as true as it was half a century ago—it’s certainly true, for instance, that a
general reader who wants to pick up an education in the fundamentals of science will find it easier than ever
before. It seems to me that there is a much bigger gap between the world of finance and that of the general public
and that there is a need to narrow that gap, if the financial industry is not to be a kind of priesthood,
administering to its own mysteries and feared and resented by the rest of us. Many bright, literate people have no
idea about all sorts of economic basics, of a type that financial insiders take as elementary facts of how the world
works. I am an outsider to finance and economics, and my hope is that I can talk across that gulf.
My need to understand is the same as yours, whoever you are. That’s one of the strangest ironies of this
story: after decades in which the ideology of the Western world was personally and economically individualistic,
we’ve suddenly been hit by a crisis which shows in the starkest terms that whether we like it or not—and
there are large parts of it that you would have to be crazy to like—we’re all in this together. The
aftermath of the crisis is going to dominate the economics and politics of our societies for at least a decade to
come and perhaps longer.
Which one of the following, if false, could be seen as supporting the author’s claims?
Which one of the following, if true, would be an accurate inference from the first sentence of the passage?
Which one of the following best captures the main argument of the last paragraph of the passage?
All of the following, if true, could be seen as supporting the arguments in the passage, EXCEPT:
According to the passage, the author is likely to be supportive of which one of the following programmes?
In the past, credit for telling the tale of Aladdin has often gone to Antoine Galland . . . the first
European translator of . . . Arabian Nights [which] started as a series of translations of an incomplete manuscript
of a medieval Arabic story collection. . . But, though those tales were of medieval origin, Aladdin may be a more
recent invention. Scholars have not found a manuscript of the story that predates the version published in 1712 by
Galland, who wrote in his diary that he first heard the tale from a Syrian storyteller from Aleppo named Hanna Diyab
. . .
Despite the fantastical elements of the story, scholars now think the main character may actually be
based on a real person’s real experiences. . . . Though Galland never credited Diyab in his published translations
of the Arabian Nights stories, Diyab wrote something of his own: a travelogue penned in the mid-18th century. In it,
he recalls telling Galland the story of Aladdin [and] describes his own hard-knocks upbringing and the way he
marveled at the extravagance of Versailles. The descriptions he uses were very similar to the descriptions of the
lavish palace that ended up in Galland’s version of the Aladdin story. [Therefore, author Paulo Lemos] Horta
believes that “Aladdin might be the young Arab Maronite from Aleppo, marveling at the jewels and riches of
Versailles.” . . .
For 300 years, scholars thought that the rags-to-riches story of Aladdin might have been
inspired by the plots of French fairy tales that came out around the same time, or that the story was invented in
that 18th century period as a byproduct of French Orientalism, a fascination with stereotypical exotic Middle
Eastern luxuries that was prevalent then. The idea that Diyab might have based it on his own life — the experiences
of a Middle Eastern man encountering the French, not vice-versa — flips the script. [According to Horta,] “Diyab was
ideally placed to embody the overlapping world of East and West, blending the storytelling traditions of his
homeland with his youthful observations of the wonder of 18th-century France.” . . .
To the scholars who
study the tale, its narrative drama isn’t the only reason storytellers keep finding reason to return to Aladdin. It
reflects not only “a history of the French and the Middle East, but also [a story about] Middle Easterners coming to
Paris and that speaks to our world today,” as Horta puts it. “The day Diyab told the story of Aladdin to Galland,
there were riots due to food shortages during the winter and spring of 1708 to 1709, and Diyab was sensitive to
those people in a way that Galland is not. When you read this diary, you see this solidarity among the Arabs who
were in Paris at the time. . . . There is little in the writings of Galland that would suggest that he was capable
of developing a character like Aladdin with sympathy, but Diyab’s memoir reveals a narrator adept at capturing the
distinctive psychology of a young protagonist, as well as recognizing the kinds of injustices and opportunities that
can transform the path of any youthful adventurer.”
All of the following serve as evidence for the character of Aladdin being based on Hanna Diyab EXCEPT:
The author of the passage is most likely to agree with which of the following explanations for the origins of the story of Aladdin?
Which of the following, if true, would invalidate the inversion that the phrase “flips the script” refers to?
Which of the following is the primary reason for why storytellers are still fascinated by the story of Aladdin?
Which of the following does not contribute to the passage’s claim about the authorship of Aladdin?
Contemporary internet shopping conjures a perfect storm of choice anxiety. Research has consistently
held that people who are presented with a few options make better, easier decisions than those presented with many.
. . . Helping consumers figure out what to buy amid an endless sea of choice online has become a cottage industry
unto itself. Many brands and retailers now wield marketing buzzwords such as curation, differentiation, and
discovery as they attempt to sell an assortment of stuff targeted to their ideal customer. Companies find such
shoppers through the data gold mine of digital advertising, which can catalog people by gender, income level,
personal interests, and more. Since Americans have lost the ability to sort through the sheer volume of the consumer
choices available to them, a ghost now has to be in the retail machine, whether it’s an algorithm, an influencer, or
some snazzy ad tech to help a product follow you around the internet. Indeed, choice fatigue is one reason so many
people gravitate toward lifestyle influencers on Instagram—the relentlessly chic young moms and perpetually
vacationing 20-somethings—who present an aspirational worldview, and then recommend the products and services that
help achieve it. . . .
For a relatively new class of consumer-products start-ups, there’s another method
entirely. Instead of making sense of a sea of existing stuff, these companies claim to disrupt stuff as Americans
know it. Casper (mattresses), Glossier (makeup), Away (suitcases), and many others have sprouted up to offer
consumers freedom from choice: The companies have a few aesthetically pleasing and supposedly highly functional
options, usually at mid-range prices. They’re selling nice things, but maybe more importantly, they’re selling a
confidence in those things, and an ability to opt out of the stuff rat race. . . .
One-thousand-dollar
mattresses and $300 suitcases might solve choice anxiety for a certain tier of consumer, but the companies that sell
them, along with those that attempt to massage the larger stuff economy into something navigable, are still just
working within a consumer market that’s broken in systemic ways. The presence of so much stuff in America might be
more valuable if it were more evenly distributed, but stuff’s creators tend to focus their energy on those who
already have plenty. As options have expanded for people with disposable income, the opportunity to buy even basic
things such as fresh food or quality diapers has contracted for much of America’s lower classes.
For
start-ups that promise accessible simplicity, their very structure still might eventually push them toward
overwhelming variety. Most of these companies are based on hundreds of millions of dollars of venture capital, the
investors of which tend to expect a steep growth rate that can’t be achieved by selling one great mattress or one
great sneaker. Casper has expanded into bedroom furniture and bed linens. Glossier, after years of marketing itself
as no-makeup makeup that requires little skill to apply, recently launched a full line of glittering color
cosmetics. There may be no way to opt out of stuff by buying into the right thing.
Which of the following hypothetical statements would add the least depth to the author’s prediction of the fate of start-ups offering few product options?
Which one of the following best sums up the overall purpose of the examples of Casper and Glossier in the passage?
A new food brand plans to launch a series of products in the American market. Which of the following product plans is most likely to be supported by the author of the passage?
All of the following, IF TRUE, would weaken the author’s claims EXCEPT:
Based on the passage, all of the following can be inferred about consumer behaviour EXCEPT that:
Scientists recently discovered that Emperor Penguins—one of Antarctica’s most celebrated species—employ
a particularly unusual technique for surviving the daily chill. As detailed in an article published today in the
journal Biology Letters, the birds minimize heat loss by keeping the outer surface of their plumage below the
temperature of the surrounding air. At the same time, the penguins’ thick plumage insulates their body and keeps it
toasty. . . .
The researchers analyzed thermographic images . . . taken over roughly a month during June
2008. During that period, the average air temperature was 0.32 degrees Fahrenheit. At the same time, the majority of
the plumage covering the penguins’ bodies was even colder: the surface of their warmest body part, their feet, was
an average 1.76 degrees Fahrenheit, but the plumage on their heads, chests and backs were -1.84, -7.24 and -9.76
degrees Fahrenheit respectively. Overall, nearly the entire outer surface of the penguins’ bodies was below freezing
at all times, except for their eyes and beaks. The scientists also used a computer simulation to determine how much
heat was lost or gained from each part of the body—and discovered that by keeping their outer surface below air
temperature, the birds might paradoxically be able to draw very slight amounts of heat from the air around them. The
key to their trick is the difference between two different types of heat transfer: radiation and convection.
The penguins do lose internal body heat to the surrounding air through thermal radiation, just as our bodies do on a
cold day. Because their bodies (but not surface plumage) are warmer than the surrounding air, heat gradually
radiates outward over time, moving from a warmer material to a colder one. To maintain body temperature while losing
heat, penguins, like all warm-blooded animals, rely on the metabolism of food. The penguins, though, have an
additional strategy. Since their outer plumage is even colder than the air, the simulation showed that they might
gain back a little of this heat through thermal convection—the transfer of heat via the movement of a fluid (in this
case, the air). As the cold Antarctic air cycles around their bodies, slightly warmer air comes into contact with
the plumage and donates minute amounts of heat back to the penguins, then cycles away at a slightly colder
temperature.
Most of this heat, the researchers note, probably doesn’t make it all the way through the
plumage and back to the penguins’ bodies, but it could make a slight difference. At the very least, the method by
which a penguin’s plumage wicks heat from the bitterly cold air that surrounds it helps to cancel out some of the
heat that’s radiating from its interior. And given the Emperors’ unusually demanding breeding cycle, every bit of
warmth counts. . . . Since [penguins trek as far as 75 miles to the coast to breed and male penguins] don’t eat
anything during [the incubation period of 64 days], conserving calories by giving up as little heat as possible is
absolutely crucial.
In the last sentence of paragraph 3, “slightly warmer air” and “at a slightly colder temperature” refer to ______ AND ______ respectively:
Which of the following best explains the purpose of the word “paradoxically” as used by the author?
All of the following, if true, would negate the findings of the study reported in the passage EXCEPT:
Which of the following can be responsible for Emperor Penguins losing body heat?
"Free of the taint of manufacture" – that phrase, in particular, is heavily loaded with the ideology of
what the Victorian socialist William Morris called the "anti-scrape", or an anti- capitalist conservationism (not
conservatism) that solaced itself with the vision of a pre- industrial golden age. In Britain, folk may often appear
a cosy, fossilised form, but when you look more closely, the idea of folk – who has the right to sing it, dance it,
invoke it, collect it, belong to it or appropriate it for political or cultural ends – has always been contested
territory. . . .
In our own time, though, the word "folk" . . . has achieved the rare distinction of
occupying fashionable and unfashionable status simultaneously. Just as the effusive floral prints of the radical
William Morris now cover genteel sofas, so the revolutionary intentions of many folk historians and revivalists have
led to music that is commonly regarded as parochial and conservative. And yet – as newspaper columns periodically
rejoice – folk is hip again, influencing artists, clothing and furniture designers, celebrated at music festivals,
awards ceremonies and on TV, reissued on countless record labels. Folk is a sonic "shabby chic", containing elements
of the uncanny and eerie, as well as an antique veneer, a whiff of Britain's heathen dark ages. The very obscurity
and anonymity of folk music's origins open up space for rampant imaginative fancies. . . .
[Cecil Sharp, who
wrote about this subject, believed that] folk songs existed in constant transformation, a living example of an art
form in a perpetual state of renewal. "One man sings a song, and then others sing it after him, changing what they
do not like" is the most concise summary of his conclusions on its origins. He compared each rendition of a ballad
to an acorn falling from an oak tree; every subsequent iteration sows the song anew. But there is tension in
newness. In the late 1960s, purists were suspicious of folk songs recast in rock idioms. Electrification, however,
comes in many forms. For the early-20th-century composers such as Vaughan Williams and Holst, there were
thunderbolts of inspiration from oriental mysticism, angular modernism and the body blow of the first world war, as
well as input from the rediscovered folk tradition itself.
For the second wave of folk revivalists, such as
Ewan MacColl and AL Lloyd, starting in the 40s, the vital spark was communism's dream of a post-revolutionary New
Jerusalem. For their younger successors in the 60s, who thronged the folk clubs set up by the old guard, the lyrical
freedom of Dylan and the unchained melodies of psychedelia created the conditions for folk- rock's own golden age, a
brief Indian summer that lasted from about 1969 to 1971. . . . Four decades on, even that progressive period has
become just one more era ripe for fashionable emulation and pastiche. The idea of a folk tradition being exclusively
confined to oral transmission has become a much looser, less severely guarded concept. Recorded music and
television, for today's metropolitan generation, are where the equivalent of folk memories are seeded. . . .
The author says that folk “may often appear a cosy, fossilised form” because:
All of the following are causes for plurality and diversity within the British folk tradition EXCEPT:
At a conference on folk forms, the author of the passage is least likely to agree with which one of the following views?
The primary purpose of the reference to William Morris and his floral prints is to show:
Which of the following statements about folk revivalism of the 1940s and 1960s cannot be inferred from the passage?
As defined by the geographer Yi-Fu Tuan, topophilia is the affective bond between people and place. His
1974 book set forth a wide-ranging exploration of how the emotive ties with the material environment vary greatly
from person to person and in intensity, subtlety, and mode of expression. Factors influencing one’s depth of
response to the environment include cultural background, gender, race, and historical circumstance, and Tuan also
argued that there is a biological and sensory element. Topophilia might not be the strongest of human emotions—
indeed, many people feel utterly indifferent toward the environments that shape their lives— but when activated it
has the power to elevate a place to become the carrier of emotionally charged events or to be perceived as a
symbol.
Aesthetic appreciation is one way in which people respond to the environment. A brilliantly colored
rainbow after gloomy afternoon showers, a busy city street alive with human interaction—one might experience the
beauty of such landscapes that had seemed quite ordinary only moments before or that are being newly discovered.
This is quite the opposite of a second topophilic bond, namely that of the acquired taste for certain landscapes and
places that one knows well. When a place is home, or when a space has become the locus of memories or the means of
gaining a livelihood, it frequently evokes a deeper set of attachments than those predicated purely on the visual. A
third response to the environment also depends on the human senses but may be tactile and olfactory, namely a
delight in the feel and smell of air, water, and the earth.
Topophilia—and its very close conceptual twin,
sense of place—is an experience that, however elusive, has inspired recent architects and planners. Most notably,
new urbanism seeks to counter the perceived placelessness of modern suburbs and the decline of central cities
through neo-traditional design motifs. Although motivated by good intentions, such attempts to create places rich in
meaning are perhaps bound to disappoint. As Tuan noted, purely aesthetic responses often are suddenly revealed, but
their intensity rarely is long- lasting. Topophilia is difficult to design for and impossible to quantify, and its
most articulate interpreters have been self-reflective philosophers such as Henry David Thoreau, evoking a
marvelously intricate sense of place at Walden Pond, and Tuan, describing his deep affinity for the desert.
Topophilia connotes a positive relationship, but it often is useful to explore the darker affiliations between
people and place. Patriotism, literally meaning the love of one’s terra patria or homeland, has long been cultivated
by governing elites for a range of nationalist projects, including war preparation and ethnic cleansing. Residents
of upscale residential developments have disclosed how important it is to maintain their community’s distinct
identity, often by casting themselves in a superior social position and by reinforcing class and racial differences.
And just as a beloved landscape is suddenly revealed, so too may landscapes of fear cast a dark shadow over a place
that makes one feel a sense of dread or anxiety—or topophobia.
The word “topophobia” in the passage is used:
In the last paragraph, the author uses the example of “Residents of upscale residential developments” to illustrate the:
Which one of the following best captures the meaning of the statement, “Topophilia is difficult to design for and impossible to quantify . . .”?
Which one of the following comes closest in meaning to the author’s understanding of topophilia?
Which of the following statements, if true, could be seen as not contradicting the arguments in the passage?
Around the world, capital cities are disgorging bureaucrats. In the post-colonial fervour of the 20th
century, coastal capitals picked by trade-focused empires were spurned for “regionally neutral” new
ones . . . . But decamping wholesale is costly and unpopular; governments these days prefer piecemeal dispersal. The
trend reflects how the world has changed. In past eras, when information travelled at a snail’s pace, civil
servants had to cluster together. But now desk-workers can ping emails and video-chat around the world. Travel for
face-to-face meetings may be unavoidable, but transport links, too, have improved. . . .
Proponents of moving civil servants around promise countless benefits. It disperses the risk that a terrorist attack
or natural disaster will cripple an entire government. Wonks in the sticks will be inspired by new ideas that
walled-off capitals cannot conjure up. Autonomous regulators perform best far from the pressure and lobbying of the
big city. Some even hail a cure for ascendant cynicism and populism. The unloved bureaucrats of faraway capitals
will become as popular as firefighters once they mix with regular folk.
Beyond these sunny visions, dispersing central-government functions usually has three specific aims: to improve the
lives of both civil servants and those living in clogged capitals; to save money; and to redress regional
imbalances. The trouble is that these goals are not always realised.
The first aim—improving living conditions—has a long pedigree. After the second world war Britain
moved thousands of civil servants to “agreeable English country towns” as London was rebuilt. But
swapping the capital for somewhere smaller is not always agreeable. Attrition rates can exceed 80%. . . . The second
reason to pack bureaucrats off is to save money. Office space costs far more in capitals. . . . Agencies that are
moved elsewhere can often recruit better workers on lower salaries than in capitals, where well-paying
multinationals mop up talent.
The third reason to shift is to rebalance regional inequality. . . . Norway treats federal jobs as a resource every
region deserves to enjoy, like profits from oil. Where government jobs go, private ones follow. . . . Sometimes the
aim is to fulfil the potential of a country’s second-tier cities. Unlike poor, remote places, bigger cities
can make the most of relocated government agencies, linking them to local universities and businesses and supplying
a better-educated workforce. The decision in 1946 to set up America’s Centres for Disease Control in Atlanta
rather than Washington, D.C., has transformed the city into a hub for health-sector research and business.
The dilemma is obvious. Pick small, poor towns, and areas of high unemployment get new jobs, but it is hard to
attract the most qualified workers; opt for larger cities with infrastructure and better-qualified residents, and
the country’s most deprived areas see little benefit. . . .
Others contend that decentralisation begets corruption by making government agencies less accountable. . . . A study
in America found that state-government corruption is worse when the state capital is isolated—journalists,
who tend to live in the bigger cities, become less watchful of those in power.
According to the passage, colonial powers located their capitals:
The “dilemma” mentioned in the passage refers to:
People who support decentralising central government functions are LEAST likely to cite which of the following reasons for their view?
The “long pedigree” of the aim to shift civil servants to improve their living standards implies that this move:
According to the author, relocating government agencies has not always been a success for all of the following reasons EXCEPT:
War, natural disasters and climate change are destroying some of the world's most precious cultural sites. Google is
trying to help preserve these archaeological wonders by allowing users access to 3D images of these treasures
through its site.
But the project is raising questions about Google's motivations and about who should own the digital copyrights.
Some critics call it a form of "digital colonialism."
When it comes to archaeological treasures, the losses have been mounting. ISIS blew up parts of the ancient city of
Palmyra in Syria and an earthquake hit Bagan, an ancient city in Myanmar, damaging dozens of temples, in 2016. In
the past, all archaeologists and historians had for restoration and research were photos, drawings, remnants and
intuition.
But that's changing. Before the earthquake at Bagan, many of the temples on the site were scanned. . . . [These]
scans . . . are on Google's Arts & Culture site. The digital renditions allow viewers to virtually wander the
halls of the temple, look up-close at paintings and turn the building over, to look up at its chambers. . . .
[Google Arts & Culture] works with museums and other nonprofits . . . to put high-quality images online.
The images of the temples in Bagan are part of a collaboration with CyArk, a nonprofit that creates the 3D scanning
of historic sites. . . . Google . . . says [it] doesn't make money off this website, but it fits in with Google's
mission to make the world's information available and useful.
Critics say the collaboration could be an attempt by a large corporation to wrap itself in the sheen of culture.
Ethan Watrall, an archaeologist, professor at Michigan State University and a member of the Society for American
Archaeology, says he's not comfortable with the arrangement between CyArk and Google. . . . Watrall says this
project is just a way for Google to promote Google. "They want to make this material accessible so people will
browse it and be filled with wonder by it," he says. "But at its core, it's all about advertisements and driving
traffic." Watrall says these images belong on the site of a museum or educational institution, where there is
serious scholarship and a very different mission. . . .
[There's] another issue for some archaeologists and art historians. CyArk owns the copyrights of the scans —
not the countries where these sites are located. That means the countries need CyArk's permission to use these
images for commercial purposes.
Erin Thompson, a professor of art crime at John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York City, says it's the
latest example of a Western nation appropriating a foreign culture, a centuries-long battle. . . . CyArk says it
copyrights the scans so no one can use them in an inappropriate way. The company says it works closely with
authorities during the process, even training local people to help. But critics like Thompson are not persuaded. . .
. She would prefer the scans to be owned by the countries and people where these sites are located.
Based on his views mentioned in the passage, one could best characterise Dr. Watrall as being:
By “digital colonialism”, critics of the CyArk–Google project are referring to the fact that:
Which of the following, if true, would most strongly invalidate Dr. Watrall’s objections?
In Dr. Thompson’s view, CyArk owning the copyright of its digital scans of archaeological sites is akin to:
Of the following arguments, which one is LEAST likely to be used by the companies that digitally scan cultural sites?
The magic of squatter cities is that they are improved steadily and gradually by their residents. To
a planner’s eye, these cities look chaotic. I trained as a biologist and to my eye, they look organic.
Squatter cities are also unexpectedly green. They have maximum density—1 million people per square mile in
some areas of Mumbai—and have minimum energy and material use. People get around by foot, bicycle, rickshaw,
or the universal shared taxi.
Not everything is efficient in the slums, though. In the Brazilian favelas where electricity is stolen and therefore
free, people leave their lights on all day. But in most slums recycling is literally a way of life. The Dharavi slum
in Mumbai has 400 recycling units and 30,000 ragpickers. Six thousand tons of rubbish are sorted every day. In 2007,
the Economist reported that in Vietnam and Mozambique, “Waves of gleaners sift the sweepings of
Hanoi’s streets, just as Mozambiquan children pick over the rubbish of Maputo’s main tip. Every city
in Asia and Latin America has an industry based on gathering up old cardboard boxes.” . . .
In his 1985 article, Calthorpe made a statement that still jars with most people: “The city is the most
environmentally benign form of human settlement. Each city dweller consumes less land, less energy, less water, and
produces less pollution than his counterpart in settlements of lower densities.” “Green
Manhattan” was the inflammatory title of a 2004 New Yorker article by David Owen. “By the most
significant measures,” he wrote, “New York is the greenest community in the United States, and one of
the greenest cities in the world . . . The key to New York’s relative environmental benignity is its extreme
compactness. . . . Placing one and a half million people on a twenty-three-square-mile island sharply reduces their
opportunities to be wasteful.” He went on to note that this very compactness forces people to live in the
world’s most energy-efficient apartment buildings. . . .
Urban density allows half of humanity to live on 2.8 per cent of the land. . . . Consider just the infrastructure
efficiencies. According to a 2004 UN report: “The concentration of population and enterprises in urban areas
greatly reduces the unit cost of piped water, sewers, drains, roads, electricity, garbage collection, transport,
health care, and schools.” . . .
[T]he nationally subsidised city of Manaus in northern Brazil “answers the question” of how to stop
deforestation: give people decent jobs. Then they can afford houses, and gain security. One hundred thousand people
who would otherwise be deforesting the jungle around Manaus are now prospering in town making such things as mobile
phones and televisions. . . .
Of course, fast-growing cities are far from an unmitigated good. They concentrate crime, pollution, disease and
injustice as much as business, innovation, education and entertainment. . . . But if they are overall a net good for
those who move there, it is because cities offer more than just jobs. They are transformative: in the slums, as well
as the office towers and leafy suburbs, the progress is from hick to metropolitan to cosmopolitan . . .
Which one of the following statements would undermine the author’s stand regarding the greenness of cities?
According to the passage, squatter cities are environment-friendly for all of the following reasons EXCEPT:
We can infer that Calthorpe’s statement “still jars” with most people because most people:
In the context of the passage, the author refers to Manaus in order to:
From the passage it can be inferred that cities are good places to live in for all of the following reasons EXCEPT that they:
For two years, I tracked down dozens of . . . Chinese in Upper Egypt [who were] selling lingerie. In
a deeply conservative region, where Egyptian families rarely allow women to work or own businesses, the Chinese
flourished because of their status as outsiders. They didn’t gossip, and they kept their opinions to
themselves. In a New Yorker article entitled “Learning to Speak Lingerie,” I described the Chinese use
of Arabic as another non-threatening characteristic. I wrote, “Unlike Mandarin, Arabic is inflected for
gender, and Chinese dealers, who learn the language strictly by ear, often pick up speech patterns from female
customers. I’ve come to think of it as the lingerie dialect, and there’s something disarming about
these Chinese men speaking in the feminine voice.” . . .
When I wrote about the Chinese in the New Yorker, most readers seemed to appreciate the unusual perspective. But as
I often find with topics that involve the Middle East, some people had trouble getting past the black-and-white
quality of a byline. “This piece is so orientalist I don’t know what to do,” Aisha Gani, a
reporter who worked at The Guardian, tweeted. Another colleague at the British paper, Iman Amrani, agreed: “I
wouldn’t have minded an article on the subject written by an Egyptian woman—probably would have had
better insight.” . . .
As an MOL (man of language), I also take issue with this kind of essentialism. Empathy and understanding are not
inherited traits, and they are not strictly tied to gender and race. An individual who wrestles with a difficult
language can learn to be more sympathetic to outsiders and open to different experiences of the world. This learning
process—the embarrassments, the frustrations, the gradual sense of understanding and connection—is
invariably transformative. In Upper Egypt, the Chinese experience of struggling to learn Arabic and local culture
had made them much more thoughtful. In the same way, I was interested in their lives not because of some kind of
voyeurism, but because I had also experienced Egypt and Arabic as an outsider. And both the Chinese and the
Egyptians welcomed me because I spoke their languages. My identity as a white male was far less important than my
ability to communicate.
And that easily lobbed word—“Orientalist”—hardly captures the complexity of our
interactions. What exactly is the dynamic when a man from Missouri observes a Zhejiang native selling lingerie to an
Upper Egyptian woman? . . . If all of us now stand beside the same river, speaking in ways we all understand,
who’s looking east and who’s looking west? Which way is Oriental?
For all of our current interest in identity politics, there’s no corresponding sense of identity linguistics.
You are what you speak—the words that run throughout your mind are at least as fundamental to your selfhood
as is your ethnicity or your gender. And sometimes it’s healthy to consider human characteristics that are
not inborn, rigid, and outwardly defined. After all, you can always learn another language and change who you
are.
Which of the following can be inferred from the author’s claim, “Which way is Oriental?”
A French ethnographer decides to study the culture of a Nigerian tribe. Which of the following is most likely to be the view of the author of the passage?
The author’s critics would argue that:
According to the passage, which of the following is not responsible for language’s ability to change us?
British colonial policy . . . went through two policy phases, or at least there were two strategies
between which its policies actually oscillated, sometimes to its great advantage. At first, the new colonial
apparatus exercised caution, and occupied India by a mix of military power and subtle diplomacy, the high ground in
the middle of the circle of circles. This, however, pushed them into contradictions. For, whatever their sense of
the strangeness of the country and the thinness of colonial presence, the British colonial state represented the
great conquering discourse of Enlightenment rationalism, entering India precisely at the moment of its greatest
unchecked arrogance. As inheritors and representatives of this discourse, which carried everything before it, this
colonial state could hardly adopt for long such a self-denying attitude. It had restructured everything in
Europe—the productive system, the political regimes, the moral and cognitive orders—and would do the
same in India, particularly as some empirically inclined theorists of that generation considered the colonies a
massive laboratory of utilitarian or other theoretical experiments. Consequently, the colonial state could not
settle simply for eminence at the cost of its marginality; it began to take initiatives to introduce the logic of
modernity into Indian society. But this modernity did not enter a passive society. Sometimes, its initiatives were
resisted by pre-existing structural forms. At times, there was a more direct form of collective resistance.
Therefore the map of continuity and discontinuity that this state left behind at the time of independence was rather
complex and has to be traced with care.
Most significantly, of course, initiatives for . . . modernity came to assume an external character. The acceptance
of modernity came to be connected, ineradicably, with subjection. This again points to two different problems, one
theoretical, the other political. Theoretically, because modernity was externally introduced, it is explanatorily
unhelpful to apply the logical format of the ‘transition process’ to this pattern of change. Such a
logical format would be wrong on two counts. First, however subtly, it would imply that what was proposed to be
built was something like European capitalism. (And, in any case, historians have forcefully argued that what it was
to replace was not like feudalism, with or without modificatory adjectives.) But, more fundamentally, the logical
structure of endogenous change does not apply here. Here transformation agendas attack as an external force. This
externality is not something that can be casually mentioned and forgotten. It is inscribed on every move, every
object, every proposal, every legislative act, each line of causality. It comes to be marked on the epoch itself.
This repetitive emphasis on externality should not be seen as a nationalist initiative that is so well rehearsed in
Indian social science. . . .
Quite apart from the externality of the entire historical proposal of modernity, some of its contents were
remarkable. . . . Economic reforms, or rather alterations . . . did not foreshadow the construction of a classical
capitalist economy, with its necessary emphasis on extractive and transport sectors. What happened was the creation
of a degenerate version of capitalism—what early dependency theorists called the ‘development of
underdevelopment’.
All of the following statements about British colonialism can be inferred from the first paragraph, EXCEPT that it:
All of the following statements, if true, could be seen as supporting the arguments in the passage, EXCEPT:
“Consequently, the colonial state could not settle simply for eminence at the cost of its marginality; it began to take initiatives to introduce the logic of modernity into Indian society.” Which of the following best captures the sense of this statement?
Which one of the following 5-word sequences best captures the flow of the arguments in the passage?
Which of the following observations is a valid conclusion to draw from the author’s statement that “the logical structure of endogenous change does not apply here. Here transformation agendas attack as an external force”?
The only thing worse than being lied to is not knowing you’re being lied to. It’s true
that plastic pollution is a huge problem, of planetary proportions. And it’s true we could all do more to
reduce our plastic footprint. The lie is that blame for the plastic problem is wasteful consumers and that changing
our individual habits will fix it.
Recycling plastic is to saving the Earth what hammering a nail is to halting a falling skyscraper. You struggle to
find a place to do it and feel pleased when you succeed. But your effort is wholly inadequate and distracts from the
real problem of why the building is collapsing in the first place. The real problem is that single-use
plastic—the very idea of producing plastic items like grocery bags, which we use for an average of 12 minutes
but can persist in the environment for half a millennium—is an incredibly reckless abuse of technology.
Encouraging individuals to recycle more will never solve the problem of a massive production of single-use plastic
that should have been avoided in the first place.
As an ecologist and evolutionary biologist, I have had a disturbing window into the accumulating literature on the
hazards of plastic pollution. Scientists have long recognized that plastics biodegrade slowly, if at all, and pose
multiple threats to wildlife through entanglement and consumption. More recent reports highlight dangers posed by
absorption of toxic chemicals in the water and by plastic odors that mimic some species’ natural food.
Plastics also accumulate up the food chain, and studies now show that we are likely ingesting it ourselves in
seafood. . . .
Beginning in the 1950s, big beverage companies like Coca-Cola and Anheuser-Busch, along with Phillip Morris and
others, formed a non-profit called Keep America Beautiful. Its mission is/was to educate and encourage environmental
stewardship in the public. . . . At face value, these efforts seem benevolent, but they obscure the real problem,
which is the role that corporate polluters play in the plastic problem. This clever misdirection has led journalist
and author Heather Rogers to describe Keep America Beautiful as the first corporate greenwashing front, as it has
helped shift the public focus to consumer recycling behavior and actively thwarted legislation that would increase
extended producer responsibility for waste management. . . . [T]he greatest success of Keep America Beautiful has
been to shift the onus of environmental responsibility onto the public while simultaneously becoming a trusted name
in the environmental movement. . . .
So what can we do to make responsible use of plastic a reality? First: reject the lie. Litterbugs are not
responsible for the global ecological disaster of plastic. Humans can only function to the best of their abilities,
given time, mental bandwidth and systemic constraints. Our huge problem with plastic is the result of a permissive
legal framework that has allowed the uncontrolled rise of plastic pollution, despite clear evidence of the harm it
causes to local communities and the world’s oceans. Recycling is also too hard in most parts of the U.S. and
lacks the proper incentives to make it work well.
Which of the following interventions would the author most strongly support:
The author lists all of the following as negative effects of the use of plastics EXCEPT the:
In the first paragraph, the author uses “lie” to refer to the:
In the second paragraph, the phrase “what hammering a nail is to halting a falling skyscraper” means:
It can be inferred that the author considers the Keep America Beautiful organisation:
“Everybody pretty much agrees that the relationship between elephants and people has dramatically
changed,” [says psychologist Gay] Bradshaw. “Where for centuries humans and elephants lived in
relatively peaceful coexistence, there is now hostility and violence. Now, I use the term ‘violence’
because of the intentionality associated with it, both in the aggression of humans and, at times, the recently
observed behavior of elephants.”
Typically, elephant researchers have cited, as a cause of aggression, the high levels of testosterone in newly
matured male elephants or the competition for land and resources between elephants and humans. But, Bradshaw and
several colleagues argue that today’s elephant populations are suffering from a form of chronic stress, a
kind of species-wide trauma. Decades of poaching and culling and habitat loss, they claim, have so disrupted the
intricate web of familial and societal relations by which young elephants have traditionally been raised in the
wild, and by which established elephant herds are governed, that what we are now witnessing is nothing less than a
precipitous collapse of elephant culture.
Elephants, when left to their own devices, are profoundly social creatures. young elephants are raised within an
extended, multi-tiered network of doting female caregivers that includes the birth mother, grandmothers, aunts and
friends. These relations are maintained over a life span as long as 70 years. Studies of established herds have
shown that young elephants stay within 15 feet of their mothers for nearly all of their first eight years of life,
after which young females are socialized into the matriarchal network, while young males go off for a time into an
all-male social group before coming back into the fold as mature adults.
This fabric of elephant society, Bradshaw and her colleagues [demonstrate], ha[s] effectively been frayed by years
of habitat loss and poaching, along with systematic culling by government agencies to control elephant numbers and
translocations of herds to different habitats. As a result of such social upheaval, calves are now being born to and
raised by ever younger and inexperienced mothers. Young orphaned elephants, meanwhile, that have witnessed the death
of a parent at the hands of poachers are coming of age in the absence of the support system that defines traditional
elephant life. “The loss of elephant elders,” [says] Bradshaw "and the traumatic experience of
witnessing the massacres of their family, impairs normal brain and behavior development in young
elephants.”
What Bradshaw and her colleagues describe would seem to be an extreme form of anthropocentric conjecture if the
evidence that they’ve compiled from various elephant researchers weren’t so compelling. The elephants
of decimated herds, especially orphans who’ve watched the death of their parents and elders from poaching and
culling, exhibit behavior typically associated with post-traumatic stress disorder and other trauma-related
disorders in humans: abnormal startle response, unpredictable asocial behavior, inattentive mothering and
hyper-aggression.
[According to Bradshaw], “Elephants are suffering and behaving in the same ways that we recognize in
ourselves as a result of violence. Except perhaps for a few specific features, brain organization and early
development of elephants and humans are extremely similar.”
Which of the following statements best expresses the overall argument of this passage?
In the first paragraph, Bradshaw uses the term "violence" to describe the recent change in the human-elephant relationship because, according to him:
The passage makes all of the following claims EXCEPT
Which of the following measures is Bradshaw most likely to support to address the problem of elephant aggression?
In paragraph 4, the phrase, “The fabric of elephant society . . . has(s) effectively been frayed by . . .” is:
The Indian government has announced an international competition to design a National War Memorial in
New Delhi, to honour all of the Indian soldiers who served in the various wars and counter-insurgency campaigns from
1947 onwards. The terms of the competition also specified that the new structure would be built adjacent to the
India Gate – a memorial to the Indian soldiers who died in the First World War. Between the old imperialist
memorial and the proposed nationalist one, India’s contribution to the Second World War is airbrushed out of
existence.
The Indian government’s conception of the war memorial was not merely absentminded. Rather, it accurately
reflected the fact that both academic history and popular memory have yet to come to terms with India’s
Second World War, which continues to be seen as little more than mood music in the drama of India’s advance
towards independence and partition in 1947. Further, the political trajectory of the postwar subcontinent has
militated against popular remembrance of the war. With partition and the onset of the India-Pakistan rivalry, both
of the new nations needed fresh stories for self-legitimisation rather than focusing on shared wartime
experiences.
However, the Second World War played a crucial role in both the independence and partition of India. The Indian army
recruited, trained and deployed some 2.5 million men, almost 90,000 of which were killed and many more injured. Even
at the time, it was recognised as the largest volunteer force in the war.
India’s material and financial contribution to the war was equally significant. India emerged as a major
military-industrial and logistical base for Allied operations in south-east Asia and the Middle East. This led the
United States to take considerable interest in the country’s future, and ensured that this was no longer the
preserve of the British government. Other wartime developments pointed in the direction of India’s
independence. In a stunning reversal of its long-standing financial relationship with Britain, India finished the
war as one of the largest creditors to the imperial power.
Such extraordinary mobilization for war was achieved at great human cost, with the Bengal famine the most extreme
manifestation of widespread wartime deprivation. The costs on India’s home front must be counted in millions
of lives.
Indians signed up to serve on the war and home fronts for a variety of reasons. Many were convinced that their
contribution would open the doors to India’s freedom. The political and social churn triggered by the war was
evident in the massive waves of popular protest and unrest that washed over rural and urban India in the aftermath
of the conflict. This turmoil was crucial in persuading the Attlee government to rid itself of the incubus of ruling
India. Seventy years on, it is time that India engaged with the complex legacies of the Second World War. Bringing
the war into the ambit of the new national memorial would be a fitting – if not overdue – recognition
that this was India’s War.
In the first paragraph, the author laments the fact that
The author lists all of the following as outcomes of the Second World War EXCEPT:
The phrase “mood music” is used in the second paragraph to indicate that the Second World War is viewed as:
The author suggests that a major reason why India has not so far acknowledged its role in the Second World War is that it:
The author claims that omitting mention of Indians who served in the Second World War from the new National War Memorial is:
Economists have spent most of the 20th century ignoring psychology, positive or otherwise. But today
there is a great deal of emphasis on how happiness can shape global economies, or — on a smaller scale
— successful business practice. This is driven, in part, by a trend in "measuring" positive emotions, mostly
so they can be optimized. Neuroscientists, for example, claim to be able to locate specific emotions, such as
happiness or disappointment, in particular areas of the brain. Wearable technologies, such as Spire, offer
data-driven advice on how to reduce stress.
We are no longer just dealing with "happiness" in a philosophical or romantic sense — it has become something
that can be monitored and measured, including by our behavior, use of social media and bodily indicators such as
pulse rate and facial expressions. There is nothing automatically sinister about this trend. But it is disquieting
that the businesses and experts driving the quantification of happiness claim to have our best interests at heart,
often concealing their own agendas in the process. In the workplace, happy workers are viewed as a "win-win." Work
becomes more pleasant, and employees, more productive. But this is now being pursued through the use of
performance-evaluating wearable technology, such as Humanyze or Virgin Pulse, both of which monitor physical signs
of stress and activity toward the goal of increasing productivity.
Cities such as Dubai, which has pledged to become the "happiest city in the world," dream up ever-more elaborate and
intrusive ways of collecting data on well-being — to the point where there is now talk of using CCTV cameras
to monitor facial expressions in public spaces. New ways of detecting emotions are hitting the market all the time:
One company, Beyond Verbal, aims to calculate moods conveyed in a phone conversation, potentially without the
knowledge of at least one of the participants. And Facebook [has] demonstrated that it could influence our emotions
through tweaking our news feeds — opening the door to ever-more targeted manipulation in advertising and
influence.
As the science grows more sophisticated and technologies become more intimate with our thoughts and bodies, a clear
trend is emerging. Where happiness indicators were once used as a basis to reform society, challenging the obsession
with money that G.D.P. measurement entrenches, they are increasingly used as a basis to transform or discipline
individuals.
Happiness becomes a personal project, that each of us must now work on, like going to the gym. Since the 1970s,
depression has come to be viewed as a cognitive or neurological defect in the individual, and never a consequence of
circumstances. All of this simply escalates the sense of responsibility each of us feels for our own feelings, and
with it, the sense of failure when things go badly. A society that deliberately removed certain sources of misery,
such as precarious and exploitative employment, may well be a happier one. But we won't get there by making this
single, often fleeting emotion, the over-arching goal.
According to the author, wearable technologies and social media are contributing most to:
The author’s view would be undermined by which of the following research findings?
According to the author, Dubai:
In the author's opinion, the shift in thinking in the 1970s:
From the passage we can infer that the author would like economists to:
When researchers at Emory University in Atlanta trained mice to fear the smell of almonds (by pairing
it with electric shocks), they found, to their consternation, that both the children and grandchildren of these mice
were spontaneously afraid of the same smell. That is not supposed to happen. Generations of schoolchildren have been
taught that the inheritance of acquired characteristics is impossible. A mouse should not be born with something its
parents have learned during their lifetimes, any more than a mouse that loses its tail in an accident should give
birth to tailless mice.
Modern evolutionary biology dates back to a synthesis that emerged around the 1940s60s, which married Charles
Darwin’s mechanism of natural selection with Gregor Mendel’s discoveries of how genes are inherited.
The traditional, and still dominant, view is that adaptations – from the human brain to the peacock’s
tail – are fully and satisfactorily explained by natural selection (and subsequent inheritance). Yet [new
evidence] from genomics, epigenetics and developmental biology [indicates] that evolution is more complex than we
once assumed.
In his book On Human Nature (1978), the evolutionary biologist Edward O Wilson claimed that human culture is held on
a genetic leash. The metaphor [needs revision]. Imagine a dogwalker (the genes) struggling to retain control of a
brawny mastiff (human culture). The pair’s trajectory (the pathway of evolution) reflects the outcome of the
struggle. Now imagine the same dog-walker struggling with multiple dogs, on leashes of varied lengths, with each dog
tugging in different directions. All these tugs represent the influence of developmental factors, including
epigenetics, antibodies and hormones passed on by parents, as well as the ecological legacies and culture they
bequeath.
The received wisdom is that parental experiences can’t affect the characters of their offspring. Except they
do. The way that genes are expressed to produce an organism’s phenotype– the actual characteristics it
ends up with – is affected by chemicals that attach to them. Everything from diet to air pollution to
parental behaviour can influence the addition or removal of these chemical marks, which switches genes on or off.
Usually these so-called ‘epigenetic’ attachments are removed during the production of sperm and eggs
cells, but it turns out that some escape the resetting process and are passed on to the next generation, along with
the genes. This is known as ‘epigenetic inheritance’, and more and more studies are confirming that it
really happens. Let’s return to the almond-fearing mice. The inheritance of an epigenetic mark transmitted in
the sperm is what led the mice’s offspring to acquire an inherited fear.
Epigenetics is only part of the story. Through culture and society, [humans and other animals] inherit knowledge and
skills acquired by [their] parents. All this complexity points to an evolutionary process in which genomes (over
hundreds to thousands of generations), epigenetic modifications and inherited cultural factors (over several,
perhaps tens or hundreds of generations), and parental effects (over single-generation timespans) collectively
informb how organisms adapt. These extra-genetic kinds of inheritance give organisms the flexibility to make rapid
adjustments to environmental challenges, dragging genetic change in their wake – much like a rowdy pack of
dogs.
The passage uses the metaphor of a dog walker to argue that evolutionary adaptation is most comprehensively understood as being determined by:
Which of the following options best describes the author's argument?
The Emory University experiment with mice points to the inheritance of:
Which of the following, if found to be true, would negate the main message of the passage?
Will a day come when India’s poor can access government services as easily as drawing cash
from an ATM? No country in the world has made accessing education or health or policing or dispute resolution as
easy as an ATM, because the nature of these activities requires individuals to use their discretion in a positive
way. Technology can certainly facilitate this in a variety of ways if it is seen as one part of an overall approach,
but the evidence so far in education, for instance, is that just adding computers alone doesn’t make
education any better.
The dangerous illusion of technology is that it can create stronger, top down accountability of service providers in
implementation-intensive services within existing public sector organisations. One notion is that electronic
management information systems (EMIS) keep better track of inputs and those aspects of personnel that are
‘EMIS visible’ can lead to better services. A recent study examined attempts to increase attendance of
Auxiliary Nurse Midwife (ANMs) at clinics in Rajasthan, which involved high-tech time clocks to monitor attendance.
The study’s title says it all: Band-Aids on a Corpse. E-governance can be just as bad as any other governance
when the real issue is people and their motivation.
For services to improve, the people providing the services have to want to do a better job with the skills they
have. A study of medical care in Delhi found that even though providers, in the public sector had much better skills
than private sector providers their provision of care in actual practice was much worse.
In implementation-intensive services the key to success is face-to-face interactions between a teacher, a nurse, a
policeman, an extension agent and a citizen. This relationship is about power. Amartya Sen’s report on
education in West Bengal had a supremely telling anecdote in which the villagers forced the teacher to attend
school, but then, when the parents went off to work, the teacher did not teach, but forced the children to massage
his feet. As long as the system empowers providers over citizens, technology is irrelevant.
The answer to successfully providing basic services is to create systems that provide both autonomy and
accountability. In basic education for instance, the answer to poor teaching is not controlling teachers more. The
key is to hire teachers who want to teach and let them teach, expressing their professionalism and vocation as a
teacher through autonomy in the classroom. This autonomy has to be matched with accountability for
results—not just narrowly measured through test scores, but broadly for the quality of the education they
provide.
A recent study in Uttar Pradesh showed that if, somehow, all civil service teachers could be replaced with contract
teachers, the state could save a billion dollars a year in revenue and double student learning. Just the additional
autonomy and accountability of contracts through local groups—even without complementary system changes in
information and empowerment—led to that much improvement. The first step to being part of the solution is to
create performance information accessible to those outside of the government.
In the context of the passage, we can infer that the title “Band Aids on a Corpse” (in paragraph 2) suggests that:
According to the author, service delivery in Indian education can be improved in all of the following ways EXCEPT through:
Which of the following, IF TRUE, would undermine the passage’s main argument?
The author questions the use of monitoring systems in services that involve face-to-face interaction between service providers and clients because such systems:
The main purpose of the passage is to:
Grove snails as a whole are distributed all over Europe, but a specific variety of the snail, with a distinctive
white-lipped shell, is found exclusively in Ireland and in the Pyrenees mountains that lie on the border between
France and Spain. The researchers sampled a total of 423 snail specimens from 36 sites distributed across Europe,
with an emphasis on gathering large numbers of the white-lipped variety. When they sequenced genes from the
mitochondrial DNA of each of these snails and used algorithms to analyze the genetic diversity between them, they
found that a distinct lineage (the snails with the white-lipped shells) was indeed endemic to the two very specific
and distant places in question.
Explaining this is tricky. Previously, some had speculated that the strange distributions of creatures such as the
white-lipped grove snails could be explained by convergent evolution—in which two populations evolve the same
trait by coincidence—but the underlying genetic similarities between the two groups rules that out.
Alternately, some scientists had suggested that the white-lipped variety had simply spread over the whole continent,
then been wiped out everywhere besides Ireland and the Pyrenees, but the researchers say their sampling and
subsequent DNA analysis eliminate that possibility too.
“If the snails naturally colonized Ireland, you would expect to find some of the same genetic type in other
areas of Europe, especially Britain. We just don’t find them,” Davidson, the lead author, said in a
press statement.
Moreover, if they’d gradually spread across the continent, there would be some genetic variation within the
white-lipped type, because evolution would introduce variety over the thousands of years it would have taken them to
spread from the Pyrenees to Ireland. That variation doesn’t exist, at least in the genes sampled. This means
that rather than the organism gradually expanding its range, large populations instead were somehow moved en mass to
the other location within the space of a few dozen generations, ensuring a lack of genetic variety.
“There is a very clear pattern, which is difficult to explain except by involving humans,” Davidson
said. Humans, after all, colonized Ireland roughly 9,000 years ago, and the oldest fossil evidence of grove snails
in Ireland dates to roughly the same era. Additionally, there is archaeological evidence of early sea trade between
the ancient peoples of Spain and Ireland via the Atlantic and even evidence that humans routinely ate these types of
snails before the advent of agriculture, as their burnt shells have been found in Stone Age trash heaps.
The simplest explanation, then? Boats. These snails may have inadvertently traveled on the floor of the small,
coast-hugging skiffs these early humans used for travel, or they may have been intentionally carried to Ireland by
the seafarers as a food source. “The highways of the past were rivers and the ocean–as the river that
flanks the Pyrenees was an ancient trade route to the Atlantic, what we’re actually seeing might be the long
lasting legacy of snails that hitched a ride as humans travelled from the South of France to Ireland 8,000 years
ago,” Davidson said.
All of the following evidence supports the passage’s explanation of sea travel/trade EXCEPT:
The passage outlines several hypotheses and evidence related to white-lipped grove snails to arrive at the most convincing explanation for:
Which one of the following makes the author eliminate convergent evolution as a probable explanation for why white-lipped grove snails are found in Ireland and the Pyrenees?
In paragraph 4, the evidence that “humans routinely ate these types of snails before the advent of agriculture” can be used to conclude that:
The complexity of modern problems often precludes any one person from fully understanding them.
Factors contributing to rising obesity levels, for example, include transportation systems and infrastructure,
media, convenience foods, changing social norms, human biology and psychological factors. The multidimensional or
layered character of complex problems also undermines the principle of meritocracy: the idea that the ‘best
person’ should be hired. There is no best person. When putting together an oncological research team, a
biotech company such as Gilead or Genentech would not construct a multiple-choice test and hire the top scorers, or
hire people whose resumes score highest according to some performance criteria. Instead, they would seek diversity.
They would build a team of people who bring diverse knowledge bases, tools and analytic skills.
Believers in a meritocracy might grant that teams ought to be diverse but then argue that meritocratic principles
should apply within each category. Thus the team should consist of the ‘best’ mathematicians, the
‘best’ oncologists, and the ‘best’ biostatisticians from within the pool. That position
suffers from a similar flaw.
Even with a knowledge domain, no test or criteria applied to individuals will produce the best team. Each of these
domains possesses such depth and breadth, that no test can exist. Consider the field of neuroscience. Upwards of
50,000 papers were published last year covering various techniques, domains of enquiry and levels of analysis,
ranging from molecules and synapses up through networks of neurons. Given that complexity, any attempt to rank a
collection of neuroscientists from best to worst, as if they were competitors in the 50-metre butterfly, must fail.
What could be true is that given a specific task and the composition of a particular team, one scientist would be
more likely to contribute than another. Optimal hiring depends on context. Optimal teams will be diverse.
Evidence for this claim can be seen in the way that papers and patents that combine diverse ideas tend to rank as
high-impact. It can also be found in the structure of the so-called random decision forest, a state-of-the-art
machine-learning algorithm.
Random forests consist of ensembles of decision trees. If classifying pictures, each tree makes a vote: is that a
picture of a fox or a dog? A weighted majority rules. Random forests can serve many ends. They can identify bank
fraud and diseases, recommend ceiling fans and predict online dating behaviour. When building a forest, you do not
select the best trees as they tend to make similar classifications. You want diversity. Programmers achieve that
diversity by training each tree on different data, a technique known as bagging. They also boost the forest
‘cognitively’ by training trees on the hardest cases – those that the current forest gets
wrong. This ensures even more diversity and accurate forests."
Yet the fallacy of meritocracy persists. Corporations, non-profits, governments, universities and even preschools
test, score and hire the ‘best’. This all but guarantees not creating the best team. Ranking people by
common criteria produces homogeneity. That’s not likely to lead to breakthroughs.
The author critiques meritocracy for all the following reasons EXCEPT that:
Which of the following conditions would weaken the efficacy of a random decision forest?
Which of the following conditions, if true, would invalidate the passage’s main argument?
On the basis of the passage, which of the following teams is likely to be most effective in solving the problem of rising obesity levels?
Which of the following best describes the purpose of the example of neuroscience?
More and more companies, government agencies, educational institutions and philanthropic
organisations are today in the grip of a new phenomenon: ‘metric fixation’. The key components of
metric fixation are the belief that it is possible – and desirable – to replace professional judgment
(acquired through personal experience and talent) with numerical indicators of comparative performance based upon
standardised data (metrics); and that the best way to motivate people within these organisations is by attaching
rewards and penalties to their measured performance.
The rewards can be monetary, in the form of pay for performance, say, or reputational, in the form of college
rankings, hospital ratings, surgical report cards and so on. But the most dramatic negative effect of metric
fixation is its propensity to incentivise gaming: that is, encouraging professionals to maximise the metrics in ways
that are at odds with the larger purpose of the organisation. If the rate of major crimes in a district becomes the
metric according to which police officers are promoted, then some officers will respond by simply not recording
crimes or downgrading them from major offences to misdemeanours. Or take the case of surgeons. When the metrics of
success and failure are made public – affecting their reputation and income – some surgeons will
improve their metric scores by refusing to operate on patients with more complex problems, whose surgical outcomes
are more likely to be negative. Who suffers? The patients who don’t get operated upon.
When reward is tied to measured performance, metric fixation invites just this sort of gaming. But metric fixation
also leads to a variety of more subtle unintended negative consequences. These include goal displacement, which
comes in many varieties: when performance is judged by a few measures, and the stakes are high (keeping one’s
job, getting a pay rise or raising the stock price at the time that stock options are vested), people focus on
satisfying those measures – often at the expense of other, more important organisational goals that are not
measured. The best-known example is ‘teaching to the test’, a widespread phenomenon that has distorted
primary and secondary education in the United States since the adoption of the No Child Left Behind Act of
2001.
Short-termism is another negative. Measured performance encourages what the US sociologist Robert K Merton in 1936
called ‘the imperious immediacy of interests where the actor’s paramount concern with the foreseen
immediate consequences excludes consideration of further or other consequences’. In short, advancing
short-term goals at the expense of long-range considerations. This problem is endemic to publicly traded
corporations that sacrifice long-term research and development, and the development of their staff, to the perceived
imperatives of the quarterly report.
Of the following, which would have added the least depth to the author’s argument?
Which of the following is NOT a consequence of the 'metric fixation' phenomenon mentioned in the passage?
What main point does the author want to convey through the examples of the police officer and the surgeon?
All of the following can be a possible feature of the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, EXCEPT:
What is the main idea that the author is trying to highlight in the passage?
NOT everything looks lovelier the longer and closer its inspection. But Saturn does. It is gorgeous
through Earthly telescopes. However, the 13 years of close observation provided by Cassini, an American spacecraft,
showed the planet, its moons and its remarkable rings off better and better, revealing finer structures, striking
novelties and greater drama.
By and large the big things in the solar system—planets and moons—are thought of as having been around
since the beginning. The suggestion that rings and moons are new is, though, made even more interesting by the fact
that one of those moons, Enceladus, is widely considered the most promising site in the solar system on which to
look for alien life. If Enceladus is both young and bears life, that life must have come into being quickly. This is
also believed to have been the case on Earth. Were it true on Enceladus, that would encourage the idea that life
evolves easily when conditions are right.
One reason for thinking Saturn’s rings are young is that they are bright. The solar system is suffused with
comet dust, and comet dust is dark. Leaving Saturn’s ring system (which Cassini has shown to be more than 90%
water ice) out in such a mist is like leaving laundry hanging on a line downwind from a smokestack: it will get
dirty. The lighter the rings are, the faster this will happen, for the less mass they contain, the less celestial
pollution they can absorb before they start to discolour Jeff Cuzzi, a scientist at America’s space agency,
NASA, who helped run Cassini, told the Lunar and Planetary Science Conference in Houston that combining the mass
estimates with Cassini’s measurements of the density of comet-dust near Saturn suggests the rings are no
older than the first dinosaurs, nor younger than the last of them—that is, they are somewhere between 200m
and 70m years old.
That timing fits well with a theory put forward in 2016, by Matija Cuk of the SETI Institute, in California and his
colleagues. They suggest that at around the same time as the rings came into being an old set of moons orbiting
Saturn destroyed themselves, and from their remains emerged not only the rings but also the planet’s current
suite of inner moons—Rhea, Dione, Tethys, Enceladus and Mimas.
Dr Cuk and his colleagues used computer simulations of Saturn’s moons’ orbits as a sort of time
machine. Looking at the rate at which tidal friction is causing these orbits to lengthen they extrapolated backwards
to find out what those orbits would have looked like in the past. They discovered that about 100m years ago the
orbits of two of them, Tethys and Dione, would have interacted in a way that left the planes in which they orbit
markedly tilted. But their orbits are untilted. The obvious, if unsettling, conclusion was that this interaction
never happened—and thus that at the time when it should have happened, Dione and Tethys were simply not
there. They must have come into being later.
The phrase “leaving laundry hanging on a line downwind from a smokestack” is used to explain how the ringed planet’s:
Data provided by Cassini challenged the assumption that:
Based on information provided in the passage, we can infer that, in addition to water ice, Saturn’s rings might also have small amounts of:
The main objective of the passage is to:
Based on information provided in the passage, we can conclude all of the following EXCEPT:
Understanding where you are in the world is a basic survival skill, which is why we, like most
species come hard-wired with specialized brain areas to create cognitive maps of our surroundings. Where humans are
unique, though, with the possible exception of honeybees, is that we try to communicate this understanding the world
with others. We have along history of doing this by drawing maps – the earliest version yet discovered were
scrawled on cave walls 14,000 years ago. Human cultures have been drawing them on stone tablets, papyrus, paper and
now computer screens ever since.
Given such a long history of human map-making, it perhaps surprising that is only within the last few hundred years
that north has been consistently considered to be at the top. In fact, for much of human history, north almost never
appeared at the top, according to Jerry Brotton, a map historian... “North was rarely put at the top for the
simple fact that north is where darkness comes from,” he says. “West is also very unlikely o be put at
the top because west is where the sun disappears.”
Confusingly, early Chinese maps seem to buck this trend. But, Brotton, says, even though they did have compasses at
the time, that isn’t the reason that they placed north at the top. Early Chinese compasses were actually
oriented to point south, which was considered to be more desirable than deepest darkest north. But in Chinese maps,
the emperor, who lived in the north of the country was always put at the top of the map, with everyone else, his
loyal subjects, looking up towards him. “In Chinese culture the Emperor looks south because it’s where
the winds come from, it’s a good direction. North is not very good but you are in a position of the
subjection to the emperor, so you look up to him,” says Brotton.
Given that each culture has a very different idea of who, or what, they should look upto it’s perhaps not
surprising that there is very little consistency in which way early maps pointed. In ancient Egyptian times the top
of the world was east, the position of sunrise. Early Islamic maps favoured south at the top because most of the
early Muslim cultures were north of Mecca, so they imagined looking up (south) towards it Christian maps from the
same era (called Mappa Mundi) put east at the top, towards the Garden of Eden and with Jerusalem in the
centre.
So when did everyone get together and decide that north was the top? It’s tempting to put it down to European
explorers like Christopher Columbus and Ferdinand Megellan who were navigating by the North Star. But Brotton argues
that these early explorers didn’t think of the world like that at all. “When Columbus describes the
world it is in accordance with east being at the top,” he says “Columbus says he is going towards
paradise, so his mentality is from a medieval mappa mundi.” We’ve got to remember, adds Brotton, that
at the time, “no one knows what they are doing and where they are going.”
Which one of the following best describes what the passage is trying to do?
Early maps did NOT put north at the top for all the following reasons EXCEPT
According to the passage, early Chinese maps placed north at the top because
It can be inferred from the passage that European explorers like Columbus and Megellan
Which one of the following about the northern orientation of modern maps is asserted in the passage
The role of natural phenomena in influencing map-making conventions is seen most clearly in
I used a smartphone GPS to find my way through the cobblestoned maze of Geneva's Old Town, in search of a handmade
machine that changed the world more than any other invention. Near a 13th-century cathedral in this Swiss city on
the shores of a lovely lake, I found what I was looking for: a Gutenberg printing press. "This was the Internet of
its day — at least as influential as the iPhone," said Gabriel de Montmollin, the director of the Museum of
the Reformation, toying with the replica of Johann Gutenberg's great invention. [Before the invention of the
printing press] it used to take four monks...up to a year to produce a single book. With the advance in movable type
in 15th-century Europe, one press could crank out 3,000 pages a day.
Before long, average people could travel to places that used to be unknown to them — with maps! Medical
information passed more freely and quickly, diminishing the sway of quacks...The printing press offered the prospect
that tyrants would never be able to kill a book or suppress an idea. Gutenberg's brainchild broke the monopoly that
clerics had on scripture. And later, stirred by pamphlets from a version of that same press, the American colonies
rose up against a king and gave birth to a nation. So, a question in the summer of this 10th anniversary of the
iPhone: has the device that is perhaps the most revolutionary of all time given us a single magnificent idea? Nearly
every advancement of the written word through new technology has also advanced humankind. Sure, you can say the
iPhone changed everything. By putting the world's recorded knowledge in the palm of a hand, it revolutionized work,
dining, travel and socializing. It made us more narcissistic — here's more of me doing cool stuff! —
and it unleashed an army of awful trolls. We no longer have the patience to sit through a baseball game without that
reach to the pocket. And one more casualty of Apple selling more than a billion phones in a decade's time:
daydreaming has become a lost art.
For all of that, I'm still waiting to see if the iPhone can do what the printing press did for religion and
democracy...the Geneva museum makes a strong case that the printing press opened more minds than anything
else...it's hard to imagine the French or American revolutions without those enlightened voices in print...
Not long after Steve Jobs introduced his iPhone, he said the bound book was probably headed for history's attic. Not
so fast. After a period of rapid growth in e-books, something closer to the medium for Chaucer's volumes has made a
great comeback.
The hope of the iPhone, and the Internet in general, was that it would free people in closed societies. But the
failure of the Arab Spring, and the continued suppression of ideas in North Korea, China and Iran, has not borne
that out... The iPhone is still young. It has certainly been "one of the most important, world-changing and
successful products in history, “ as Apple CEO. Tim Cook said. But I'm not sure if the world changed for the
better with the iPhone — as it did with the printing press — or merely, changed.
The printing press has been likened to the Internet for which one of the following reasons?
According to the passage, the invention of the printing press did all of the following EXCEPT
Steve Jobs predicted which one'of the following with the introduction of the iPhone?
"I'm still waiting to see if the iPhone can do what the printing press did for religion and democracy." The author uses which one of the following to indicate his uncertainty?
The author attributes the French and American revolutions to the invention of the printing press because
The main conclusion of the passage is that the new technology has
This year alone, more than 8,600 stores could close, according to industry estimates, many of them the brand -name
anchor outlets that real estate developers once stumbled over themselves to court. Already there have been 5,300
retail closings this year... Sears Holdings—which owns Kmart—said in March that there's "substantial
doubt" it can stay in business altogether, and will close 300 stores this year. So far this year, nine national
retail chains have filed for bankruptcy.
Local jobs are a major casualty of what analysts are calling, with only a hint of hyperbole, the retail apocalypse.
Since 2002, department stores have lost 448,000 jobs, a 25% decline, while the number of store closures this year is
on pace to surpass the worst depths of the Great Recession. The growth of online retailers, meanwhile, has failed to
offset those losses, with the ecommerce sector adding just 178,000 jobs over the past 15 years. Some of those jobs
can be found in the massive distribution centers Amazon has opened across the country, often not too far from malls
the company helped shutter.
But those are workplaces, not gathering places. The mall is both. And in the 61 years since the first enclosed one
opened in suburban Minneapolis, the shopping mall has been where a huge swath of middle-class America went for far
more than shopping. It was the home of first jobs and blind dates, the place for family photos and ear piercings,
where goths and grandmothers could somehow walk through the same doors and find something they all liked. Sure, the
food was lousy for you and the oceans of parking lots encouraged car-heavy development, something now scorned by
contemporary planners. But for better or worse, the mall has been America's public square for the last 60
years.
So what happens when it disappears?
Think of your mall. Or think of the one you went to as a kid. Think of the perfume clouds in the department stores.
The fountains splashing below the skylights. The cinnamon wafting from the food court. As far back as ancient
Greece, societies have congregated around a central marketplace. In medieval Europe, they were outside cathedrals.
For half of the 20th century and almost 20 years into the new one, much of America has found their agora on the
terrazzo between Orange Julius and Sbarro, Waldenbooks and the Gap, Sunglass Hut and Hot Topic.
That mall was an ecosystem unto itself, a combination of community and commercialism peddling everything you needed
and
everything you didn't: Magic Eye posters, wind catchers. Air Jordans....
A growing number of Americans, however, don't see the need to go to any Macy's at all. Our digital lives are
frictionless and ruthlessly efficient, with retail and romance available at a click. Malls were designed for
leisure, abundance, ambling. You parked and planned to spend some time. Today, much of that time has been given over
to busier lives and second jobs and apps that let you swipe right instead of haunt the food court. ' Malls, says
Harvard business professor Leonard Schlesinger, "were built for patterns of social interaction that increasingly
don't exist."
The central idea of this passage is that:
Why does the author say in paragraph 2, 'the massive distribution centers Amazon has opened across the country, often not too far from malls the company helped shutter'?
In paragraph 1, the phrase "real estate developers once stumbled over themselves to court" suggests that they
The author calls the mall an ecosystem unto itself because
Why does the author say that the mall has been America's public square?
The author describes 'Perfume clouds in the department stores' in order to
Scientists have long recognised the incredible diversity within a species. But they thought it
reflected evolutionary changes that unfolded imperceptibly, over millions of years. That divergence between
populations within a species was enforced, according to Ernst Mayr, the great evolutionary biologist of the 1940s,
when a population was separated from the rest of the species by a mountain range or a desert, preventing breeding
across the divide over geologic scales of time. Without the separation, gene flow was relentless. But as the
separation persisted, the isolated population grew apart and speciation occurred.
In the mid-1960s, the biologist Paul Ehrlich - author of The Population Bomb (1968) - and his Stanford University
colleague Peter Raven challenged Mayr's ideas about speciation. They had studied checkerspot butterflies living in
the Jasper Ridge Biological Preserve in California, and it soon became clear that they were not examining a single
population. Through years of capturing, marking and then recapturing the butterflies, they were able to prove that
within the population, spread over just 50 acres of suitable checkerspot habitat, there were three groups that
rarely interacted despite their very close proximity.
Among other ideas, Ehrlich and Raven argued in a now classic paper from 1969 that gene flow was not as predictable
and ubiquitous as Mayr and his cohort maintained, and thus evolutionary divergence between neighbouring groups in a
population was probably common. They also asserted that isolation and gene flow were less important to evolutionary
divergence than natural selection (when factors such as mate choice, weather, disease or predation cause
better-adapted individuals to survive and pass on their successful genetic traits). For example, Ehrlich and Raven
suggested that, without the force of natural selection, an isolated population would remain unchanged and that, in
other scenarios, natural selection could be strong enough to overpower gene flow...
Which of the following best sums up Ehrlich and Raven's argument in their classic 1969 paper?
All of the following statements are true according to the passage EXCEPT
The author discusses Mayr, Ehrlich and Raven to demonstrate that
Do sports mega events like the summer Olympic Games benefit the host city economically? It depends, but the
prospects are less than rosy. The trick is converting...several billion dollars in operating costs during the 17-day
fiesta of the Games into a basis for long-term economic returns. These days, the summer Olympic Games themselves
generate total revenue of $4 billion to $5 billion, but the lion's share of this goes to the International Olympics
Committee, the National Olympics Committees and the International Sports Federations. Any economic benefit would
have to flow from the value of the Games as an advertisement for the city, the new transportation and communications
infrastructure that was created for the Games, or the ongoing use of the new facilities.
Evidence suggests that the advertising effect is far from certain. The infrastructure benefit depends on the initial
condition of the city and the effectiveness of the planning. The facilities benefit is dubious at best for buildings
such as velodromes or natatoriums and problematic for 100,000-seat Olympic stadiums. The latter require a conversion
plan for future use, the former are usually doomed to near vacancy. Hosting the summer Games generally requires
30-plus sports venues and dozens of training centers. Today, the Bird's Nest in Beijing sits virtually empty, while
the Olympic Stadium in Sydney costs some $30 million a year to operate.
Part of the problem is that Olympics planning takes place in a frenzied and time-pressured atmosphere of intense
competition with the other prospective host cities — not optimal conditions for contemplating the future
shape of an urban landscape. Another part of the problem is that urban land is generally scarce and growing scarcer.
The new facilities often stand for decades or longer. Even if they have future use, are they the best use of
precious urban real estate?
Further, cities must consider the human cost. Residential areas often are razed and citizens relocated (without
adequate preparation or compensation). Life is made more hectic and congested. There are, after all, other
productive uses that can be made of vanishing fiscal resources.
The central point in the first paragraph is that the economic benefits of the Olympic Games
Sports facilities built for the Olympics are not fully utilised after the Games are over because
The author feels that the Games place a burden on the host city for all of the following reasons EXCEPT that
Creativity is at once our most precious resource and our most inexhaustible one. As anyone who has ever spent any
time with children knows, every single human being is born creative; every human being is innately endowed with the
ability to combine and recombine data, perceptions, materials and ideas, and devise new ways of thinking and
doing.What fosters creativity? More than anything else: the presence of other creative people. The big myth is that
creativity is the province of great individual gen.iuses. In. fact creativity is a social process. Our biggest
creative breakthroughs come when people learn from, compete with, and collaborate with other people.
Cities are the true fonts of creativity... With their diverse populations, dense social networks, and public spaces
where people can meet spontaneously and serendipitously, they spark and catalyze new ideas. With their
infrastructure for finance, organization and trade, they allow those ideas to be swiftly actualized.
As for what staunches creativity, that's easy, if ironic. It's the very institutions that we build to manage,
exploit and perpetuate the fruits of creativity — our big bureaucracies, and sad to say, too many of our
schools. Creativity is disruptive; schools and organizations are regimented, standardized and stultifying.
The education expert Sir Ken Robinson points to a 1968 study reporting on a group of 1,600 children who were tested
over time for their ability to think in out-of-the-box ways. When the children were between 3 and 5 years old, 98
percent achieved positive scores. When they were 8 to 10, only 32 percent passed the same test, and only 10 percent
at 13 to 15. When 280,000 25-year-olds took the test, just 2 percent passed. By the time we are adults, our
creativity has been wrung out of us.
I once asked the great urbanist Jane Jacobs what makes some places more creative than others. She said, essentially,
that the question was an easy one. All cities, she said, were filled with creative people; that's our default state
as people. But some cities had more than their shares of leaders, people and institutions that blocked out that
creativity. She called them "squelchers."
Creativity (or the lack of it) follows the same general contours of the great socio-economic divide — our
rising inequality — that plagues us. According to my own estimates, roughly a third of us across the United
States, and perhaps as much as half of us in our most creative cities — are able to do work which engages our
creative faculties to some extent, whether as artists, musicians, writers, techies, innovators, entrepreneurs,
doctors, lawyers, journalists or educators — those of us who work with our minds. That leaves a group that I
term "the other 66 percent," who toil in low-wage rote and rotten jobs — if they have jobs at all — in
which their creativity is subjugated, ignored or wasted.
Creativity itself is not in danger. It's flourishing is all around us — in science and technology, arts and
culture, in our rapidly revitalizing cities. But we still have a long way to go if we want to build a truly creative
society that supports and rewards the creativity of each and every one of us.
In the author's view, cities promote human creativity for all the following reasons EXCEPT that they
The author uses 'ironic' in the third paragraph to point out that
The central idea of this passage is that
Jane Jacobs believed that cities that are more creative
The 1968 study is used here to show that
The author's conclusions about the most 'creative cities' in the US (paragraph 6) are based on his assumption that
During the frigid season... it's often necessary to nestle under a blanket to try to stay warm. The temperature
difference between the blanket and the air outside is so palpable that we often have trouble leaving our warm
refuge. Many plants and animals similarly hunker down, relying on snow cover for safety from winter's harsh
conditions. The small area between the snowpack and the ground, called the subnivium... might be the most important
ecosystem that you have never heard of.
The subnivium is so well-insulated and stable that its temperature holds steady at around 32 degree Fahrenheit (0
degree Celsius). Although that might still sound cold, a constant temperature of 32 degree Fahrenheit can often be
30 to 40 degrees warmer than the air temperature during the peak of winter. Because of this large temperature
difference, a wide variety of species...depend on the subnivium for winter protection.
For many organisms living in temperate and Arctic regions, the difference between being under the snow or outside it
is a matter of life and death. Consequently, disruptions to the subnivium brought about by climate change will
affect everything from population dynamics to nutrient cycling through the ecosystem.
The formation and stability of the subnivium requires more than a few flurries. Winter ecologists have suggested
that eight inches of snow is necessary to develop a stable layer of insulation. Depth is not the only factor,
however. More accurately, the stability of the subnivium depends on the interaction between snow depth and snow
density. Imagine being under a stack of blankets that are all flattened and pressed together. When compressed, the
blankets essentially form one compacted layer. In contrast, when they are lightly placed on top of one another,
their insulative capacity increases because the air pockets between them trap heat. Greater depths of low-density
snow are therefore better at insulating the ground.
Both depth and density of snow are sensitive to temperature. Scientists are now beginning to explore how climate
change will affect the subnivium, as well as the species that depend on it. At first glance, warmer winters seem
beneficial for species that have difficulty surviving subzero temperatures; however, as with most ecological
phenomena, the consequences are not so straightforward. Research has shown that the snow season (the period when
snow is more likely than rain) has become shorter since l970. When rain falls on snow, it increases the density of
the snow and reduces its insulative capacity. Therefore, even though winters are expected to become warmer overall
from future climate change, the subnivium will tend to become colder and more variable with less protection from the
above-ground temperatures.
The effects of a colder subnivium are complex... For example, shrubs such as crowberry and alpine azalea that grow
along the forest floor tend to block the wind and so retain higher depths of snow around them. This captured snow
helps to keep soils insulated and in turn increases plant decomposition and nutrient release. In field experiments,
researchers removed a portion. of the snow cover to investigate the importance of the subnivium's insulation. They
found that soil frost in the snow-free area resulted in damage to plant roots and sometimes even the death of the
plant.
The purpose of this passage is to
All of the following statements are true EXCEPT
Based on this extract, the author would support which one of the following actions?
In paragraph 6, the author provides the examples of crowberry and alpine azalea to demonstrate that
Which one of the following statements can be inferred from the passage?
In paragraph 1, the author uses blankets as a device to
The end of the age of the internal combustion engine is in sight. There are small signs everywhere: the shift to
hybrid vehicles is already under way among manufacturers. Volvo has announced it will make no purely petrol-engined
cars after 2019...and Tesla has just started selling its first electric car aimed squarely at the middle classes:
the Tesla 3 sells for $35,000 in the US, and 400,000 people have put down a small, refundable deposit towards one.
Several thousand have already taken delivery, and the company hopes to sell half a million more next year. This is a
remarkable figure for a machine with a fairly short range and a very limited number of specialised charging
stations.
Some of it reflects the remarkable abilities of Elon Musk, the company's founder, as a salesman, engineer, and a man
able to get the most out his factory workers and the governments he deals with...Mr Musk is selling a dream that the
world wants to believe in. This last may be the most important factor in the story. The private car is...a device of
immense practical help and economic significance, but at the same time a theatre for myths of unattainable
selffulfilment. The one thing you will never see in a car advertisement is traffic, even though that is the element
in which drivers spend their lives. Every single driver in a traffic jam is trying to escape from it, yet it is the
inevitable consequence of mass car ownership.
The sleek and swift electric car is at one level merely the most contemporary fantasy of autonomy and power. But it
might also disrupt our exterior landscapes nearly as much as the fossil fuel-engined car did in the last century.
Electrical cars would of course pollute far less than fossil fuel-driven ones; instead of oil reserves, the rarest
materials for batteries would make undeserving despots and their dynasties fantastically rich. Petrol stations would
disappear. The air in cities would once more be breathable and their streets as quiet as those of Venice. This isn't
an unmixed good. Cars that were as silent as bicycles would still be as dangerous as they are now to anyone they hit
without audible warning.
The dream goes further than that. The electric cars of the future will be so thoroughly equipped with sensors and
reaction mechanisms that they will never hit anyone. Just as brakes don't let you skid today, the steering wheel of
tomorrow will swerve you away from danger before you have even noticed it...
This is where the fantasy of autonomy comes full circle. The logical outcome of cars which need no driver is that
they will become cars which need no owner either. Instead, they will work as taxis do, summoned at will but only for
the journeys we actually need. This the future towards which Uber...is working. The ultimate development of the
private car will be to reinvent public transport. Traffic jams will be abolished only when the private car becomes a
public utility. What then will happen to our fantasies of independence? We' ll all have to take to electrically
powered bicycles.
Which of the following statements best reflects the author's argument?
The author points out all of the following about electric cars EXCEPT
According to the author, the main reason for Tesla's remarkable sales is that
The author comes to the conclusion that
In paragraphs 5 and 6, the author provides the example of Uber to argue that
In paragraph 6, the author mentions electrically powered bicycles to argue that
Typewriters are the epitome of a technology that has been comprehensively rendered obsolete by the
digital age. The ink comes off the ribbon, they weigh a ton, and second thoughts are a disaster. But they are also
personal, portable and, above all, private. Type a document and lock it away and more or less the only way anyone
else can get it is if you give it to them. That is why the Russians have decided to go back to typewriters in some
government offices, and why in the US, some departments have never abandoned them. Yet it is not just their
resistance to algorithms and secret surveillance that keeps typewriter production lines — well one, at least
— in business (the last British one closed a year ago). Nor is it only the nostalgic appeal of the metal body
and the stout well-defined keys that make them popular on eBay. A typewriter demands something particular:
attentiveness. By the time the paper is loaded, the ribbon tightened, the carriage returned, the spacing and the
margins set, there's a big premium on hitting the right key. That means sorting out ideas, pulling together a kind
of order and organising details before actually striking off. There can be no thinking on screen with a typewriter.
Nor are there any easy distractions. No online shopping. No urgent emails. No Twitter. No need even for electricity
— perfect for writing in a remote hideaway. The thinking process is accompanied by the encouraging clack of
keys, and the ratchet of the carriage return. Ping!
Which one of the following best describes what the passage is trying to do?
According to the passage, some governments still use typewriters because:
The writer praises typewriters for all the following reasons EXCEPT
Despite their fierce reputation, Vikings may not have always been the plunderers and pillagers popular culture
imagines them to be. In fact, they got their start trading in northern European markets, researchers
suggest.
Combs carved from animal antlers, as well as comb manufacturing waste and raw antler material has turned up at three
archaeological sites in Denmark, including a medieval marketplace in the city of Ribe. A team of researchers from
Denmark and the U.K. hoped to identify the species of animal to which the antlers once belonged by analyzing
collagen proteins in the samples and comparing them across the animal kingdom, Laura Geggel reports for LiveScience.
Somewhat surprisingly, molecular analysis of the artifacts revealed that some combs and other material had been
carved from reindeer antlers.... Given that reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) don't live in Denmark, the researchers
posit that it arrived on Viking ships from Norway. Antler craftsmanship, in the form of decorative combs, was part
of Viking culture. Such combs served as symbols of good health, Geggel writes. The fact that the animals shed their
antlers also made them easy to collect from the large herds that inhabited Norway.
Since the artifacts were found in marketplace areas at each site it's more likely that the Norsemen came to trade
rather than pillage. Most of the artifacts also date to the 780s, but some are as old as 725. That predates the
beginning of Viking raids on Great Britain by about 70 years. (Traditionally, the so-called "Viking Age" began with
these raids in 793 and ended with the Norman conquest of Great Britain in l066.) Archaeologists had suspected that
the Vikings had experience with long maritime voyages [that] might have preceded their raiding days. Beyond Norway,
these combs would have been a popular industry in Scandinavia as wela: It' s possible that the antler combs
represent a larger trade network, where the Norsemen supplied raw material to craftsmen in Denmark and elsewhere.
The primary purpose of the passage is:
The evidence - "Most of the artifacts also date to the 780s, but some are as old as 725" — has been used in the passage to argue that:
All of the following hold true for Vikings EXCEPT
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